Suchergebnisse

The system of indirect execution of engineering works and services goes back to Decree-Law no. 200 of February 25, 1967, according to which management, in order to perform better the planning, coordination, supervision, and control tasks, and with the objective of preventing the excessive growth of the administrative machinery, it will seek to escape from the physical realization of executive tasks, using, whenever possible, indirect execution, by contract, provided there is in the area a private initiative sufficiently developed and qualified perform the execution (Article 10, §7). The final part of said Article is related to the legal bidding process for works, services, including engineering services, or supply of goods for the benefit of the public administration, except in cases specified in the legislation as exemption or unenforceability, a process that only admits, the requirements of technical and economic qualification indispensable to the guarantee of the fulfillment of the obligations. To scrutinize the necessary requirements for the instruction of the due legal process concerning the contracting of engineering services, with a focus on its planning, is the objective of this study. ; O regime de execução indireta de obras e serviços de engenharia remonta ao Decreto-Lei nº 200, de 25 de fevereiro de 1967, segundo o qual a administração, para melhor desincumbir-se das tarefas de planejamento, coordenação, supervisão e controle, e com o objetivo de impedir o crescimento desmesurado da máquina administrativa, procurará desobrigar-se da realização material de tarefas executivas, recorrendo, sempre que possível, à execução indireta, mediante contrato, desde que existente, na área, iniciativa privada suficientemente desenvolvida e capacitada a desempenhar os encargos da execução (art. 10, §7º). A parte final do citado dispositivo guarda correlação com o devido processo legal licitatório para a execução de obras, a prestação de serviços, inclusive de engenharia, ou o fornecimento de bens em proveito da ...

The aim of this paper is to expose the main features of Carl Schmitt's interpretation of Thomas Hobbes. The author distinguishes three moments in Schmitt's thought, but deals mainly with the second (namely with Der Leviathan in der Staatslehre des Thomas Hobbes, from 1938) and the third, which comprises the " Hinweise " to the 1963 edition of Der Begriff des Politischen and the article "Die Vollendung der Reformation" (1965). According to Schmitt, the leading idea of Hobbes: political philosophy is the attempt to restore the broken natural unity between the temporal and the spiritual powers. The Leviathan protects the individual liberty of conscience, and therefore rejects the illegitimate claims of the potestates indirectae, first of all the Catholic Church. After analyzing Schmitt's version of the problem of transcendence in the Hobbesian system, the author proposes his own interpretation of the concept of atheist and of the idea of God in the work of 1651. ; El propósito de este artículo es el de exponer las principales características de la interpretación sobre Thomas Hobbes que realizó Carl Schmitt. El autor distingue tres momentos en el pensamiento de Schmitt, pero se concentra principalmente en el segundo (a saber, en El Leviatán en la doctrina estatal de Tomás Hobbes, de 1938) y en el tercero, que comprende las "Indicaciones" de la edición de 1963 de El concepto de lo político y el artículo "La coronación de la Reforma" (1965). Según Schmitt, la idea vertebral de Hobbes: la filosofía política es el intento de restaurar la unidad natural rota entre los poderes temporal y espiritual. El Leviatán protege la libertad individual de conciencia, y, en consecuencia, rechaza las demandas ilegítimas de las potestates indirectae, en primer lugar, de la Iglesia católica. Tras analizar la versión de Schmitt del problema de la trascendencia en el sistema hobbesiano, el autor propone su propia interpretación del concepto de ateo y de la idea de Dios en la obra de 1651.

Over the past decades, there has been a substantial increase in female labour force participation, and the number of dual-earner and female-earner households has risen throughout western countries. However, the recent economic crisis has caused large losses in employment for both women and men, potentially yielding unexpected consequences for the evolution of work–family arrangements. This article carries out a comparative analysis of the relationship between the 2008/2009 economic crisis and work–family arrangements in Europe. Using data for six countries from the European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions, this article fills a gap in the literature by addressing three issues: (1) whether work–family arrangements have changed from before to after the beginning of the economic downturn in countries with different gender and welfare regimes (Germany, Greece, Spain, France, Sweden and the United Kingdom), (2) whether changes in work–family arrangements have occurred at different levels of the social strata and (3) whether couples have moved from dual-earner to male- or female-breadwinner. The results indicate changes in work–family arrangements in those countries worst hit by the economic crisis, Greece and Spain, where dual-earner and male-breadwinner households have decreased and no-earner and femalemain- earner households have increased. Moreover, the results show that in these two countries, all social strata – proxied through women's level of education – have been affected by the crisis. In contrast, only moderate changes in work–family arrangements among all women can be observed in countries less hit by the economic downturn. The findings for the two southern European countries are troubling, as the increases in no-earner and female-breadwinner households point to worsening economic conditions throughout the population and to a halt in the process that for several decades had been leading to more equality in the distribution of employment between genders

The EU initiative for "Smart Specialisation Strategies" (S3) is animating the policy debate thanks to an interesting and innovative approach. However, this rapid success has left some mismatches from theory to practice that have emerged after the first round of implementation, and related considerations. To reflect on the S3 notion, we discuss the cases of Milan and Brussels which, in our view, question relevant theoretical elements: two advanced urban areas with entirely different institutional and spatial settings facing structural challenges and significant opportunities to keep a high level of competitiveness. This article aims to compare these two cases around four analytical dimensions: the multi-scale aspect of issues addressed; the relationships between the urban core and the surrounding areas; the possibility to govern the structural changes in the economy leading to jobs creation; and the capacity to locally embed economic development. We conclude arguing that time and space are fundamental variables to understand the dynamics leading to a 'successful' S3 implementation regarding the replicability of experiences associated to the scale of intervention, the long-term effects and risk-taking attitudes.

The EU initiative for "Smart Specialisation Strategies" (S3) is animating the policy debate thanks to an interesting and innovative approach. However, this rapid success has left some mismatches from theory to practice that have emerged after the first round of implementation, and related considerations. To reflect on the S3 notion, we discuss the cases of Milan and Brussels which, in our view, question relevant theoretical elements: two advanced urban areas with entirely different institutional and spatial settings facing structural challenges and significant opportunities to keep a high level of competitiveness. This article aims to compare these two cases around four analytical dimensions: the multi-scale aspect of issues addressed; the relationships between the urban core and the surrounding areas; the possibility to govern the structural changes in the economy leading to jobs creation; and the capacity to locally embed economic development. We conclude arguing that time and space are fundamental variables to understand the dynamics leading to a 'successful' S3 implementation regarding the replicability of experiences associated to the scale of intervention, the long-term effects and risk-taking attitudes.

A fantástica crise das reações penais de feição clássica encontra o seu ponto de maior expressão no fracasso da pena segregadora, cujos contornos de tormento, por um lado, e alienação, por outro. Plasmam a face negra da justiça criminal muito mais envilecida nos últimos tempos. O Código penal brasileiro de 1940, considerado como um verdadeiro monumento jurídico na medida em que procurou consolidar as posições intermediárias das grandes escolas penais do final do século passado, dedica somente dois tipos de pena Principal para combater a notável variedade de ilicitudes distribuídas no Código penal e leis extravagantes: a prisão e a multa. Cerca de 260 infrações — sem contar as formas qualificadas e de especial diminuição penal — recebem todas elas no Código penal a cominação da pena privativa de liberdade, sendo a detenção em maior número. Em muitos casos a multa se aplica cumulativamente e de maneira alternada em menor número de vezes. O procedimento de conversão da prisão pela multa é admitido em raras ocasiões (arts. 129, § 5º; 155, § 2º; 170; 171, § 1º; 175, § 2º e 180, § 3º, por exemplo).

In 2015, the Regional Studies Association (RSA) celebrated 50 years and one of the keywords of this (hi)story is "impactful". Having an impact requires to be able to bring research-based knowledge to policymakers moving out of the academic 'Ivory Tower' and engaging in policy debate, thus acknowledging the societal role of research. Yet, this requires changing the traditional approach to research, academic conferences, publications and scientific workshops. This volume aims to tackle the challenge of a research-policy dialogue addressing the case of the Cohesion Policy (CP), the most important EU regional policy and, probably, the most complex policy in the world for economic, social, geographical, cultural, administrative and legal reasons. This challenge is even more relevant in this period when Europe is showing difficulties to fully recover from the financial and economic crisis that started in 2008, and the following political crisis that culminated with 'Brexit'. In this context, researchers are called to be 'impactful', proposing research-based policy lessons that can feed the political debate. In a period of crisis, research-policy dialogue is needed; however, how to make it happen is not easy. This volume adopts a 'policy learning' perspective proposing sixteen different research-based policy lessons to contribute to the debate on policy learning in the case of the EU Cohesion Policy, and beyond.

While EU regional policy has the ambitious objective of supporting lagging regions and promoting inter-regional convergence, its impact is dependent on the ability of regional policymakers to secure and use EU funding to meet the region's needs. This paper aims to show under which conditions politics has a defining influence on the distribution, allocation and utilization of structural funds (SF), specifically in Objective 1 regions. The empirical analysis focuses on the 2000–2006 programming cycle in France, Germany, Italy, Spain and the UK. The results show that regions politically aligned with national governing coalitions tend to perform better in terms of received SF support and enjoy more flexibility in implementing SF. However, the influence of regional political behaviours on economic performances is very limited. The findings confirm the importance of politics in influencing SF implementation, but its limited influence on economic outcomes.

While knowledge is intangible, research and development (R&D) activities are known for being unevenly distributed across space. Since the 1980s, cross-national knowledge flows have dramatically increased, and the EU has played a major role in this field with policies such as the Framework Programmes (FP). In this perspective, the "European Research Area" (ERA) was proposed as a framework to support transnational R&D projects and to enhance mobility of students and scholars. Although the ERA is without geographical scope, these policies have different territorial impacts. For this purpose, we aim to propose a geographical perspective of the ERA with a specific focus on Brussels as the "European research capital."

In 2015, the Regional Studies Association (RSA) celebrated 50 years and one of the keywords of this (hi)story is "impactful". Having an impact requires to be able to bring research-based knowledge to policymakers moving out of the academic 'Ivory Tower' and engaging in policy debate, thus acknowledging the societal role of research. Yet, this requires changing the traditional approach to research, academic conferences, publications and scientific workshops. This volume aims to tackle the challenge of a research-policy dialogue addressing the case of the Cohesion Policy (CP), the most important EU regional policy and, probably, the most complex policy in the world for economic, social, geographical, cultural, administrative and legal reasons. This challenge is even more relevant in this period when Europe is showing difficulties to fully recover from the financial and economic crisis that started in 2008, and the following political crisis that culminated with 'Brexit'. In this context, researchers are called to be 'impactful', proposing research-based policy lessons that can feed the political debate. In a period of crisis, research-policy dialogue is needed; however, how to make it happen is not easy. This volume adopts a 'policy learning' perspective proposing sixteen different research-based policy lessons to contribute to the debate on policy learning in the case of the EU Cohesion Policy, and beyond.

While EU regional policy has the ambitious objective of supporting lagging regions and promoting inter-regional convergence, its impact is dependent on the ability of regional policymakers to secure and use EU funding to meet the region's needs. This paper aims to show under which conditions politics has a defining influence on the distribution, allocation and utilization of structural funds (SF), specifically in Objective 1 regions. The empirical analysis focuses on the 2000–2006 programming cycle in France, Germany, Italy, Spain and the UK. The results show that regions politically aligned with national governing coalitions tend to perform better in terms of received SF support and enjoy more flexibility in implementing SF. However, the influence of regional political behaviours on economic performances is very limited. The findings confirm the importance of politics in influencing SF implementation, but its limited influence on economic outcomes.

While knowledge is intangible, research and development (R&D) activities are known for being unevenly distributed across space. Since the 1980s, cross-national knowledge flows have dramatically increased, and the EU has played a major role in this field with policies such as the Framework Programmes (FP). In this perspective, the "European Research Area" (ERA) was proposed as a framework to support transnational R&D projects and to enhance mobility of students and scholars. Although the ERA is without geographical scope, these policies have different territorial impacts. For this purpose, we aim to propose a geographical perspective of the ERA with a specific focus on Brussels as the "European research capital."