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International audience ; This article questions the introduction, in the mid-90"s, of the concept of European identity for the analysis of citizens" attitudes toward European integration. It argues that this notion was imported from social psychology without appropriate theoretical adaptation to the political democratic nature of the social group that a European polity would be. As a consequence, the current notion of European identity does not contribute very much to an understanding of the long standing national and social differences of citizens" attitude toward the EU. The paper argues that for the time being, the identification process with a work-in-progress European polity should be conceived following three principles: European identity refers to a democratic community, that is, a special kind of social group whose vocation is self government. Thus the link between citizens matters as much as differentiation with the others. Second, European identity is very definitively a work in progress. Lastly, it is developing in industrial societies, characterised by growing individualism but also remaining strong national identities. Building on Tilly"s concept of identity and major works on national identity, this chapter suggest a concept of identification with Europe that acknowledges the complexity of competitive processes at stake in identity change.

for political sociology, the concept of identity covers a variety of meanings and approaches, if not contradictory. Political identities can be defined as stories that give everyone the opportunity to define themselves in relation to others and to characterise relations between them and a group. In a nation, the salient 'imaginaries' they convey — and who are repeatedly the subject of questions and reinterpretations — bring people closer together and are taught to them from childhood. Europe also has a narrative, carried out by the EU's institutional apparatus and pro-European elites, but these transnational stories will then be "naturalised" within the national frameworks, and they reach the general public little. While measures to assess identification with Europe are difficult to establish, Sophie Duchesne explains that there are large disparities between countries and social groups. There is also — in contrast to initial assumptions — a positive correlation between citizens' attachment to Europe and the strength of their national attachment. ; Pour la sociologie politique, la notion d'identité recouvre des significations et des approches variées voire contradictoires. Les identités politiques peuvent être définies comme des récits offrant à chacun la possibilité de se définir par rapport aux autres et de caractériser les relations l'unissant à un groupe. Dans une nation, les " imaginaires " prégnants qu'ils véhiculent - et qui sont de manière récurrente l'objet de questionnements et de réinterprétations - rapprochent les individus et leur sont enseignés dès leur enfance. L'Europe connaît elle aussi une mise en récit, opérée par les appareils institutionnels de l'UE et les élites pro-européennes, mais ces histoires transnationales vont être ensuite " naturalisées " dans les cadres propres aux différents États, et en outre elles atteignent peu le grand public. Si les mesures permettant d'évaluer l'identification à l'Europe sont difficiles à établir, Sophie Duchesne explique néanmoins qu'on constate de fortes ...

This article questions the introduction, in the mid-90"s, of the concept of European identity for the analysis of citizens" attitudes toward European integration. It argues that this notion was imported from social psychology without appropriate theoretical adaptation to the political democratic nature of the social group that a European polity would be. As a consequence, the current notion of European identity does not contribute very much to an understanding of the long standing national and social differences of citizens" attitude toward the EU. The paper argues that for the time being, the identification process with a work-in-progress European polity should be conceived following three principles: European identity refers to a democratic community, that is, a special kind of social group whose vocation is self government. Thus the link between citizens matters as much as differentiation with the others. Second, European identity is very definitively a work in progress. Lastly, it is developing in industrial societies, characterised by growing individualism but also remaining strong national identities. Building on Tilly"s concept of identity and major works on national identity, this chapter suggest a concept of identification with Europe that acknowledges the complexity of competitive processes at stake in identity change.

This article questions the introduction, in the mid-90"s, of the concept of European identity for the analysis of citizens" attitudes toward European integration. It argues that this notion was imported from social psychology without appropriate theoretical adaptation to the political democratic nature of the social group that a European polity would be. As a consequence, the current notion of European identity does not contribute very much to an understanding of the long standing national and social differences of citizens" attitude toward the EU. The paper argues that for the time being, the identification process with a work-in-progress European polity should be conceived following three principles: European identity refers to a democratic community, that is, a special kind of social group whose vocation is self government. Thus the link between citizens matters as much as differentiation with the others. Second, European identity is very definitively a work in progress. Lastly, it is developing in industrial societies, characterised by growing individualism but also remaining strong national identities. Building on Tilly"s concept of identity and major works on national identity, this chapter suggest a concept of identification with Europe that acknowledges the complexity of competitive processes at stake in identity change.

Résumé Ce texte analyse la double équation citoyenneté = nationalité = vote, produit des conditions historiques dans lesquelles est née la démocratie de masse. Il constate la durabilité des effets de cette équation sur l'exercice du devoir électoral aujourd'hui encore, mais note les fortes perturbations induites conjointement par la montée générale du niveau d'instruction, la mobilité croissante des hommes et l'intégration européenne. Il conclut sur lar emise en cause de la centralité du vote dans l'exercice de la citoyenneté.

The article analyzes the dual equation citizenship = nationality = suffrage as a product of the historical conditions of the emergence of mass democracy. It highlights the long-lasting effects of this equation on electoral participation to this day, but also the strong disruptions that have resulted from the general increase in the level of education, the growing mobility of the people and European integration. It concludes that the centrality of suffrage in the exercise of citizenship is being challenged. ; Ce texte analyse la double équation citoyenneté = nationalité = vote, produit des conditions historiques dans lesquelles est née la démocratie de masse. Il constate la durabilité des effets de cette équation sur l'exercice du devoir électoral aujourd'hui encore, mais note les fortes perturbations induites conjointement par la montée générale du niveau d'instruction, la mobilité croissante des hommes et l'intégration européenne. Il conclut sur la remise en cause de la centralité du vote dans l'exercice de la citoyenneté

The article analyzes the dual equation citizenship = nationality = suffrage as a product of the historical conditions of the emergence of mass democracy. It highlights the long-lasting effects of this equation on electoral participation to this day, but also the strong disruptions that have resulted from the general increase in the level of education, the growing mobility of the people and European integration. It concludes that the centrality of suffrage in the exercise of citizenship is being challenged. ; Ce texte analyse la double équation citoyenneté = nationalité = vote, produit des conditions historiques dans lesquelles est née la démocratie de masse. Il constate la durabilité des effets de cette équation sur l'exercice du devoir électoral aujourd'hui encore, mais note les fortes perturbations induites conjointement par la montée générale du niveau d'instruction, la mobilité croissante des hommes et l'intégration européenne. Il conclut sur la remise en cause de la centralité du vote dans l'exercice de la citoyenneté

The article analyzes the dual equation citizenship = nationality = suffrage as a product of the historical conditions of the emergence of mass democracy. It highlights the long-lasting effects of this equation on electoral participation to this day, but also the strong disruptions that have resulted from the general increase in the level of education, the growing mobility of the people and European integration. It concludes that the centrality of suffrage in the exercise of citizenship is being challenged. ; Ce texte analyse la double équation citoyenneté = nationalité = vote, produit des conditions historiques dans lesquelles est née la démocratie de masse. Il constate la durabilité des effets de cette équation sur l'exercice du devoir électoral aujourd'hui encore, mais note les fortes perturbations induites conjointement par la montée générale du niveau d'instruction, la mobilité croissante des hommes et l'intégration européenne. Il conclut sur la remise en cause de la centralité du vote dans l'exercice de la citoyenneté

The article analyzes the dual equation citizenship = nationality = suffrage as a product of the historical conditions of the emergence of mass democracy. It highlights the long-lasting effects of this equation on electoral participation to this day, but also the strong disruptions that have resulted from the general increase in the level of education, the growing mobility of the people and European integration. It concludes that the centrality of suffrage in the exercise of citizenship is being challenged. ; Ce texte analyse la double équation citoyenneté = nationalité = vote, produit des conditions historiques dans lesquelles est née la démocratie de masse. Il constate la durabilité des effets de cette équation sur l'exercice du devoir électoral aujourd'hui encore, mais note les fortes perturbations induites conjointement par la montée générale du niveau d'instruction, la mobilité croissante des hommes et l'intégration européenne. Il conclut sur la remise en cause de la centralité du vote dans l'exercice de la citoyenneté

Citizenship and national identities are central elements of political systems. They account for the political link, i.e. for the relationship between the citizens as well as between citizens and rulers. Citizenship is often analyzed through the notions of rights and obligations (Walzer 1989). As Jean Leca pointed out, these rights and obligations are not only a matter of status, of legal rules(Leca 1983). They also encompass a set of values or moral qualities as well as a series of social roles. The relationship between rules, values and roles is not straightforward. Civic values and the distinction between citizens' and private roles are part of the political culture of a country. The legal regulation of membership, rights and obligations is also supposed to reflect this political culture, but it may be influenced by external sources of constraint, such as supranational integration. Moreover, a political culture is not an homogeneous set of values shared by all members of a political community. It is an evolving but persistent configuration of competing ideologies inherited from the main political struggles that the national community has gone through. The notion of national identity is embedded in the political culture. In the fullest sense of the term, a national identity is a complex pattern of meanings and values related to the group whose borders are defined by the state's capacity to intervene. Any change in the regulation of the group may be interpreted as a consequence as well as a cause of some change in national identity.

International audience ; What kind of relationship between the citizens and the European political system do we expect? Should it be a new kind of relationship, or will it be of the same kind than the relationship citizens have with their nation? In this later case, how do the citizens of Europe manage the duality of identification, towards Europe and their nation? This article confirms that far from the periods of sustained public debate on Europe, the antagonism between the variables of commitment to Europe and to its nations is weak; while the relationship becomes strongly negative during notably the European electoral campaigns. This contextual effect is stronger for people not interested in politics that for politically involved people. Moreover, a close observation of the relationship between the declarations of national and European pride shows that the core of this first dimension is not the choice between levels of legitimacy but the disposition to organize them into a hierarchy. As a conclusion, the author underlines the consequences of this analysis on the way Europe should be taught to its young future citizens. ; Ce texte s'inscrit dans la lignée des travaux menés en commun avec André-Paul Frognier depuis bientôt une quinzaine d'années . Il se propose de revisiter l'aspect conceptuel de l'approche des attitudes des citoyens à l'égard de l'Union Européenne qui a été la nôtre. Je partirai de la constatation que, en l'espace d'une décennie, les travaux portant sur les relations entre les citoyens et le système politique nées de l'intégration européenne ont globalement troqué une approche par les attitudes et le soutien à une interrogation sur l'identité. Or il me semble que, sur le plan conceptuel, les conséquences de ce changement d'approche n'ont pas suffisamment été prises en compte par la science politique. Mon objectif sera en conséquence d'esquisser une définition de l'identification à l'Europe telle que la notion d'identité soit effectivement adaptée à l'objet qui est le sien, à savoir, la ...