Suchergebnisse

This article presents the policy of the united Germany towards Russia, its underpinnings and its positive and negative effects on Europe and the world in the twenty-first century. The author questions the objectives and consequences of this policy for Germany, Russia and Europe. He tries to answer the questions of whether there will be another Rapallo and whether Russia and Germany will try to play a dominant role in Europe. Does the cooperation of Germany and Russia contribute to peace in Europe and Euro-Atlantic relations? Will the position of Germany in the EU increase after Brexit? This is not an easy task, given the complex and dynamic situation in the world and the difficult socio-political and economic situation of contemporary Russia, as well as the enormity of the tasks that the country needs to perform to become a modern, strong, well-managed, democratic and peaceful power. Russia has long been assisted by Germany in this process, a country which today is the undisputed leader in Europe and plays an increasingly important role in the world.The main thesis of this article is that the way to a new democratic and multipolar global order is still very long and that Germany – mindful of history and the tragic experience – will not return to the policy of cooperation with Russia, which would lead to a new division of Europe and the world. According to the author, Germany remembers the past and will therefore remain a democratic country and an important link in the Euro-Atlantic system. Furthermore, Russia will also become a democratic, peaceful state and an important actor in a new, multipolar global order. This will happen after it liberates itself from the rule of Vladimir Putin. This will not happen quickly unless Russia faces an economic disaster and the eruption of social discontent (Euromaidan on the Red Square), which forces Vladimir Putin to leave the political scene.

This article is an attempt to answer the questions that have long been bothering historians, political scientists, sociologists and lawyers, as well as ordinary people, nationals of the former anti-Hitler coalition and members of the fascist Berlin-Rome-Tokyo coalition: namely, who really won World War II and who lost the peace that put an end to the war in Europe and the world? Who had reasons to celebrate victory, and who suffered a bitter defeat and enslavement?The main thesis of this article is the observation that, in military terms, World War II was won by the states belonging to the anti-fascist coalition, and lost by Germany, Italy, Japan and their allies. However, in political and economic terms, World War II was won by Western countries led by the United States, and lost by Central and Eastern European countries, with the Soviet Union at the forefront. In international terms, the war and peace were won primarily by the United States and the Soviet Union. These countries have become global superpowers that created a new international order, called the Yalta-Potsdam governance.

There is no doubt that the European Union, which is the result of European integration, is an unprecedented entity in the history of international relations. It is a symbol of a new, united Europe, which, after negative experiences, decided to become a safe continent, and therefore eliminate once and for all war from the life of its states and nations. Unfortunately, the idea of 'eternal peace,' which many politicians and philosophers dreamed about, has failed to be fully implemented to this day. Moreover, the recent war in the Balkans and the current Russian-Ukrainian war still make this idea impossible in international relations in Europe. The purpose of this paper is to present the European Union today, ten years after its 2004 enlargement by a further ten countries, including eight from the former Eastern bloc. The paper shows the strengths and weaknesses of the EU, which – although significantly strengthened by the Eastern enlargement – still cannot cope with many economic, political, social and international problems. The author of this paper tries to come up with answers to many questions concerning the present EU: why is this happening, what are the reasons for it and what are the prospects for the EU in the 21st century. The main thesis is that the EU needs overhauling, so it can continue to grow and be an engine of European integration. If this does not happen, though, the EU will begin to crumble and eventually disintegrate, or become no more than a free trade zone. ; There is no doubt that the European Union, which is the result of European integration, is an unprecedented entity in the history of international relations. It is a symbol of a new, united Europe, which, after negative experiences, decided to become a safe continent, and therefore eliminate once and for all war from the life of its states and nations. Unfortunately, the idea of 'eternal peace,' which many politicians and philosophers dreamed about, has failed to be fully implemented to this day. Moreover, the recent war in the Balkans and the current Russian-Ukrainian war still make this idea impossible in international relations in Europe. The purpose of this paper is to present the European Union today, ten years after its 2004 enlargement by a further ten countries, including eight from the former Eastern bloc. The paper shows the strengths and weaknesses of the EU, which – although significantly strengthened by the Eastern enlargement – still cannot cope with many economic, political, social and international problems. The author of this paper tries to come up with answers to many questions concerning the present EU: why is this happening, what are the reasons for it and what are the prospects for the EU in the 21st century. The main thesis is that the EU needs overhauling, so it can continue to grow and be an engine of European integration. If this does not happen, though, the EU will begin to crumble and eventually disintegrate, or become no more than a free trade zone.

Nie ulega wątpliwości, że Unia Europejska, będąca efektem europejskiej integracji jest w historii stosunków międzynarodowych bezprecedensowym podmiotem. Jest symbolem nowej, jednoczącej się Europy, która po negatywnych doświadczeniach postanowiła stać się kontynentem bezpiecznym, a więc wyeliminować raz na zawsze wojnę z życia jej państw i narodów. Niestety, idei "wiecznego pokoju", o czym marzyło wielu polityków i filozofów do dnia dzisiejszego nie udało się do końca zmaterializować. Co więcej, niedawne wojny na Bałkanach i obecna wojna rosyjsko-ukraińska tę ideę wciąż uniemożliwiają wprowadzić do stosunków międzynarodowych w Europie. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest pokazanie Unii Europejskiej dziś, po dziesięciu latach od poszerzenia w 2004 roku jej składu o kolejne dziesięć państw, w tym aż osiem z byłego bloku wschodniego. Artykuł ten ukazuje atuty i słabości UE, która choć uległa dzięki temu poszerzeniu na Wschód daleko idącemu wzmocnieniu, to jednak dziś nie radzi sobie z wieloma problemami ekonomicznymi, politycznymi, społecznymi i międzynarodowymi. W artykule próbuję dać odpowiedź na wiele pytań dotyczących współczesnej UE, m.in. dlaczego tak się dzieje i jakie są tego przyczyny oraz jakie dla niej są perspektywy w XXI wieku. Tezą główną jest tutaj stwierdzenie, że UE wymaga kapitalnego remontu, tak, aby mogła dalej rozwijać się i być motorem integracji Europy. Jeśli zaś to nie nastąpi, to UE zacznie się rozpadać i w końcu rozpadnie się lub stanie się co najwyżej strefą wolnego handlu. ; There is no doubt that the European Union, which is the result of European integration, is an unprecedented entity in the history of international relations. It is a symbol of a new, united Europe, which, after negative experiences, decided to become a safe continent, and therefore eliminate once and for all war from the life of its states and nations. Unfortunately, the idea of 'eternal peace,' which many politicians and philosophers dreamed about, has failed to be fully implemented to this day. Moreover, the recent war in the Balkans and the current Russian-Ukrainian war still make this idea impossible in international relations in Europe. The purpose of this paper is to present the European Union today, ten years after its 2004 en-largement by a further ten countries, including eight from the former Eastern bloc. The paper shows the strengths and weaknesses of the EU, which - although significantly strengthened by the Eastern enlargement - still cannot cope with many economic, political, social and international problems. The author of this paper tries to come up with answers to many questions concerning the present EU: why is this happening, what are the reasons for it and what are the prospects for the EU in the 21st century. The main thesis is that the EU needs overhauling, so it can continue to grow and be an engine of European integration. If this does not happen, though, the EU will begin to crumble and eventually disintegrate, or become no more than a free trade zone.

Celem tego artykułu jest próba pokazania skutków akcesji Polski do Unii Europejskiej na szerszym tle stosunków międzynarodowych i w kontekście zmian, które miały miejsce w Unii w minionym dziesięcioleciu. Mamy więc tutaj do czynienia ze swoistym bilansem sukcesów i porażek, których doznała Polska w latach 2004–2014. Niniejszy artykuł pokazuje, że po dwudziestu pięciu latach od rozpoczęcia transformacji ustrojowej w Polsce i dziesięciu latach od akcesji do Unii Europejskiej nie ulega wątpliwości, że nasze członkostwo w tym specyficznym, dobrowolnie zintegrowanym związku suwerennych państw Europy było konieczne i nieuniknione. Jest to zarazem główna teza niniejszego artykułu. Było to jedyne, właściwe rozwiązanie dla Polski, które wynikało z jej geopolitycznego położenia i historycznych doświadczeń. Wbrew wcześniejszym obawom, nie zaszkodziło naszej suwerenności i tożsamości narodowej. Autor podkreśla, że członkostwo w Unii Europejskiej wzmocniło suwerenność Polski oraz dobrze służy polskiej racji stanu. Wpływa pozytywnie na rozwój gospodarczy Polski oraz umacnia jej prestiż na arenie międzynarodowej. ; The purpose of this article is an attempt to show the effects of the Polish accession to the European Union in a wider context of international relations and in the context of the changes that have taken place in the Union in the past decade. So we are dealing here with a specific balance of successes and failures, which Poland suffered during the years 2004–2014. This article shows that after twenty-five years since the beginning of political transformation in Poland, and ten years after the accession to the European Union, there is no doubt that our membership in this specific, integrated voluntary association of sovereign states in Europe was necessary and inevitable. It is also the main thesis of this article. It was the only right solution for Poland, which was due to its geopolitical position and historical experience. Despite earlier fears, it did not hurt our sovereignty and national identity. The author states that membership in the European Union strengthened Polish sovereignty and thrive Polish raison d'etat. It has a positive impact on its development. ; 4 ; Przegląd Politologiczny

The purpose of this article is an attempt to show the effects of the Polish accession to the European Union in a wider context of international relations and in the context of the changes that have taken place in the Union in the past decade. So we are dealing here with a specific balance of successes and failures, which Poland suffered during the years 2004–2014.This article shows that after twenty-five years since the beginning of political transformation in Poland, and ten years after the accession to the European Union, there is no doubt that our membership in this specific, integrated voluntary association of sovereign states in Europe was necessary and inevitable. It is also the main thesis of this article. It was the only right solution for Poland, which was due to its geopolitical position and historical experience. Despite earlier fears, it did not hurt our sovereignty and national identity.The author states that membership in the European Union strengthened Polish sovereignty and thrive Polish raison d'etat. It has a positive impact on its development. ; Celem tego artykułu jest próba pokazania skutków akcesji Polski do Unii Europejskiej na szerszym tle stosunków międzynarodowych i w kontekście zmian, które miały miejsce w Unii w minionym dziesięcioleciu. Mamy więc tutaj do czynienia ze swoistym bilansem sukcesów i porażek, których doznała Polska w latach 2004–2014.Niniejszy artykuł pokazuje, że po dwudziestu pięciu latach od rozpoczęcia transformacji ustrojowej w Polsce i dziesięciu latach od akcesji do Unii Europejskiej nie ulega wątpliwości, że nasze członkostwo w tym specyficznym, dobrowolnie zintegrowanym związku suwerennych państw Europy było konieczne i nieuniknione. Jest to zarazem główna teza niniejszego artykułu. Było to jedyne, właściwe rozwiązanie dla Polski, które wynikało z jej geopolitycznego położenia i historycznych doświadczeń. Wbrew wcześniejszym obawom, nie zaszkodziło naszej suwerenności i tożsamości narodowej.Autor podkreśla, że członkostwo w Unii Europejskiej wzmocniło suwerenność Polski oraz dobrze służy polskiej racji stanu. Wpływa pozytywnie na rozwój gospodarczy Polski oraz umacnia jej prestiż na arenie międzynarodowej.

Modernization of the European Union in the times of crisis and the new global order. Threats and opportunities
This study is devoted to the modernization of the European Union and constitutes an endeavour to present the heart of the matter, the internal and external circumstances, beginning with the UE's political system, its policies and leaders and concluding with the financial and economic crisis and the processes of building a new international order and of globalisation. The study comprises two primary sections. In the first, the author sets out the essence, the circumstances for the modernization of the European Union and the objectives thereof, while the second part looks at the opportunities for, and threats to, that modernization. The entire work is rounded off with a summary, from which it emerges, expressis verbis, that the EU has been drifting for years and is in urgent need of a far‑reaching modernization which will renderit an active entity in international relation and a vital link in a multipolar global order. The alternative to this scenario is increasing erosion and, finally, the disintegration of the European Union, which would constitute a critical threat to both Europe and the individual states. The work was compiled on the basis of a broad spectrum of source materials and in line with the research methodology employed in the social sciences, particularly when it comes to political science and the science of international relations. In calling upon such methods as the analysis, description and exegesis of documents and comparative research, the author attained the research objective he had set for himself and what we are dealing with here is both a solid diagnosis of the EU's present situation and status and a picture of the opportunities for, and threats to, its future in a multipolar world.