Suchergebnisse

Der Konservatismus der Südstaaten der USA hat in seiner Geschichte - von J. Randolph über Georg Fitzhugh (der in den fünfziger Jahren des 19. Jahrhunderts "Freiheit und Gleichheit" als "Irrtümer des Fortschritts" zurückwies, da die wenigsten Menschen über die Fähigkeit verfügten, frei zu sein, und die meisten des Schutzes einen "wohlwollenden Feudalismus" bedürften) bis zu M. E. Bradford - die Bewahrung der bestehenden, natürlichen Ordnung mehr in den Vordergrund gestellt als abstrakte, ideologische Ideen, wie sie sowohl für die amerikanische Unabhängigkeitserklärung als auch für den vorherrschenden Konservatismus in den USA charakteristisch sind. Im Zentrum des Konservatismus der Südstaaten steht "die Verteidigung der Tradition, der literarischen wie der sozialen, die Lebensart, die soziale Stabilität, die Kontinuität der Generationen, der religiöse Glaube und ein Sinn für die Verwurzelung, die sich vor den Idolen des Marktes nicht niederbeugt". (RB)

The following historical discussion chronicles the story of this success from 1945, when language instruction was first modernized, to passage of the Constitution Act in 1982 that enshrined minority language educational rights(4).This discussion illustrates how a province that had "not quite relinquished its old aspiration to be an Empire," (Ormsby, 1958, p. 494) in fact a province "more English than the English" (Reksten, 1986) in many of its social affectations, came to embrace educational bilingualism in its public schools. Using government records, published reports, personal papers, as well as various secondary sources, this analysis will examine how disparate social, educational, and political forces coalesced to convince provincial authorities?never known for their ultramontanist sentiments?to advocate French language study in symbolic support for a federalist view of Canada then deemed to be at risk. Beyond its value as an educational narrative, the reconstruction of French language policy in British Columbia should be of particular interest to educational administrators and policymakers because it illustrates how governments actually develop social and educational policies, how social environments act on institutions, and how the agenda for public education is sometimes transformed in places far from schools and even farther from the offices of those who govern and administer them.

For over 20 years, educators and administrators across North America have heatedly debated the value of large‐scale student assessment. Throughout the history of schooling in British Columbia, large‐scale student assessment outcomes have traditionally served to inform broader societal goals. Realistically, "assessment of" group learning (as opposed to classroom‐based "assessment for" individual learning) will continue as the government's key focus. We also raise several unanswered questions such as the scope of assessment practices that include only numeracy and literacy or the achievement of elementary versus secondary students between 1976 and 1999, questions to move the decades‐old debate beyond its current stalemate. Key words: history, education, testing, achievement Depuis plus de 20 ans, pédagogues et administrateurs de tous les coins de l'Amérique du Nord débattent avec passion de la valeur des épreuves communes. Tout au long de l'histoire de l'éducation en Colombie‐Britannique, les résultats des épreuves communes ont servi à réaliser des objectifs sociaux plus vastes. En fait, l'évaluation des apprentissages d'un groupe (par opposition à l'évaluation de l'apprentissage de chacun au sein d'une classe) va demeurer une priorité pour le gouvernement. Les auteurs soulèvent en outre plusieurs questions laissées jusqu'ici sans réponse, tels l'éventail des pratiques d'évaluation portant seulement sur le calcul et la littératie ou le rendement scolaire des élèves du primaire comparé à celui des élèves du secondaire entre 1976 et 1999, autant de questions qui peuvent faire avancer le débat vieux de plusieurs décennies au‐delà de l'impasse actuelle. Mots clés : histoire, éducation, épreuves, réussite scolaire.

Over the years educational assessment in British Columbia has served many purposes in addition to recording student progress. Initially it helped provide evidence that the novel idea of a publicly funded school system was a worthwhile financial and social investment. As schooling expanded so did public examinations, ensuring that content and standards were consistent throughout the province. Between the wars educational priorities dominated assessment, as reformers challenged the validity of traditional testing and the popularity of large-scale assessment and mental testing increased. Recently schooling has become more politicized, and the purposes and methods of assessment have become subjects of public debate, often reflecting the priorities and philosophies of the government in power. Current attitudes to formal assessment appear to be determined by a combination of the factors that have influenced it over the years, and what started as a fairly straightforward concept has become increasingly complex and controversial. ; Au fil des ans, l'évaluation pédagogique en Colombie-Britannique a servi à plusieurs fins, outre celle de noter les progrès des élèves. Au début, elle aida à fournir la preuve que l'idée novatrice d'un système scolaire financé par des fonds publics était un investissement financier et social très valable. Les examens publics ont suivi le rythme de la scolarisation, garantissant l'uniformité des contenus et des critères dans toute la province. Durant l'entre-deux-guerres, les priorités éducatives dominèrent l'évaluation, alors que les réformateurs remettaient en question la validité de l'examen traditionnel et que la popularité de l'évaluation à grande échelle et de l'examen mental augmenta. Récemment, la scolarisation est devenue plus politisée et les objectifs et les méthodes d'évaluation sont devenues l'objet de débats publics, reflétant souvent les priorités et les idées du gouvernement en place. Les positions actuelles face à l'évaluation officielle semblent être déterminées par une combinaison de facteurs qui l'ont influencée au fil des ans et, ce qui était à l'origine un concept plutôt simple, est devenu de plus en plus complexe et controversé.

C. B. Conway headed the British Columbia Department of Education's Division of Tests, Standards, and Research from the late 1930s to the mid-1970s. Through Conway and his research bureau, the department began to modernize its pedagogical foundations by embracing the scientific measurement movement that had been transforming education in the United States since the early 1900s. But more than this, Conway's career provides a vantage point from which to see larger changes within educational government from the implementation of the so-called progressive reforms in the late 1930s, couched in ration- alism and science, to the neoprogressive reforms of the early 1970s, that were increasingly defined in political terms. C. B. Conway a dirigé la division des examens, des normes et de la recherche du mini- stère de l'Éducation de la Colombie-Britannique de la fin des années 30 au milieu des années 70. Grâce à M. Conway et à son bureau de recherche, le ministère a commencé à moderniser ses principes pédagogiques en adhérant au mouvement en faveur des mesures scientifiques, lequel transforme l'éducation aux États-Unis depuis le début des années 1990. La carrière de M. Conway constitue en outre un excellent filon pour analyser des changements plus vastes ayant trait aux politiques éducatives: de l'implan- tation, à la fin des années 30, des réformes dites progressives faisant appel au rationalisme et à la science jusqu'aux réformes néoprogressives du début des années 70, lesquelles ont été de plus en plus définies en termes politiques.

(cont.) Senator Reed Smoot -- James Clark McReynolds -- Senator Willard Saulsbury -- Senator John Worth Kern -- Senator James A. Reed -- Senator John Worth Kern -- Senator James A. Reed -- Senator James Hamilton Lewis -- Sereno Payne, M.C. -- Senator Thomas P. Gore -- A. Mitchell Palmer, M.C. -- Senator James A. O'Gorman -- Senator Atlee Pomerene. ; Full-page colored caricatures of 32 Washington (D.C.) celebrities. ; Andrew Carnegie -- Thomas Riley Marshall -- William Jennings Bryan -- Senator Henry Cabot Lodge -- Senator Elihu Root -- Senator Furnival Simmons -- William Bauchop Wilson -- Oscar W. Underwood -- Senator William Stone -- Senatorial flowers -- Champ Clark -- Senator William E. Borah -- Senator John Sharp Williams -- James R. Mann, M.C. -- Lindley M. Garrison -- J. Thomas Heflin, M.C. -- John J. Fitzgerald, M.C. -- Senator Albert B. Cummins -- Franklin Delano Roosevelt -- Senator John D. Works -- Senator Hoke Smith -- ; Mode of access: Internet. ; OSU's copy 1 forms part of the Richard Samuel West Collection.

AbstractRecent years have seen an increase in the use of delegated legislation to implement major policy decisions in the UK. This has exacerbated the longstanding criticism that Westminster lacks sufficiently robust procedures for parliamentary scrutiny of delegated legislation. However, the UK is not the only country to use delegated legislation, or to face the challenge of ensuring it receives adequate parliamentary scrutiny. This article therefore places the UK system in wider context by comparing it to six other national parliaments. We highlight one comparative strength of the UK system, two weaknesses it shares with the other six cases, and one way in which the UK might learn lessons from elsewhere. Overall, our evidence suggests that no one country offers a clear template for more rigorous parliamentary scrutiny of delegated legislation. Successful reform of the UK's system is likely to require creative procedural innovation.

Abstract
The UK parliament's role in the Brexit process has been closely scrutinised and fiercely contested. Despite this, we still have relatively little systematic evidence about parliament's role in shaping Brexit legislation. This article therefore analyses the extent and nature of parliamentary influence on Brexit-related legislation between 2017 and 2019. Using new data on the legislative passage of 13 different bills, including over 3000 proposed amendments, we measure the prominence of three different kinds of parliamentary influence, and compare this to findings from earlier periods. We show that some Brexit bills had a fairly typical parliamentary experience, with very few successful non-government amendments but numerous government concessions. However, a dramatic change from earlier periods was the large number of Brexit-related bills that were simply paused once the government encountered parliamentary difficulties. Parliament's influence over Brexit legislation in this period therefore showed elements of both continuity and change. This finding contributes to our understanding of the Brexit process, and of parliament's role in recent British politics.