Report of the Managing Editor of the American Political Science Review, 1991–92
In: PS: political science & politics, Band 25, Heft 4, S. 772-777
110 Ergebnisse
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In: PS: political science & politics, Band 25, Heft 4, S. 772-777
In: American political science review, Band 86, Heft 1, S. 189-189
ISSN: 1537-5943
In: Governance: an international journal of policy and administration, Band 4, Heft 3, S. 231-235
ISSN: 1468-0491
In: Political science quarterly: a nonpartisan journal devoted to the study and analysis of government, politics and international affairs ; PSQ, Band 105, Heft 4, S. 647-649
ISSN: 1538-165X
In: Political science quarterly: a nonpartisan journal devoted to the study and analysis of government, politics and international affairs ; PSQ, Band 105, Heft 1, S. 137-139
ISSN: 1538-165X
In: Journal of theoretical politics, Band 1, Heft 2, S. 107-130
ISSN: 1460-3667
Empirical theories of electoral and legislative politics can be used to build propositions about the consequences of constitutional designs for citizen electroal control. This article reports preliminary tests of such propositions. Constitutional arrangements in 16 democracies are compared to the degree of clarity of responsibility, opportunity for party choice, decisiveness of elections and effective representation in policy-making, before and after elections. Previous work had suggested that different models of citizen control require different combinations of these characteristics. The preliminary analysis shows constitutional designs that emphasized majoritarian election laws and government dominance in the legislature generally succeeded in creating conditions for the Government Accountability and, to a lesser degree, Government Mandate models of citizen control, but did poorly in creating conditions for the Representative Delegate model. The consensual constitutional designs were generally successful only in creating conditions for the Representative Delegate model. However, much additional work remains.
In: Journal of theoretical politics, Band 1, Heft 2, S. 107
ISSN: 0951-6298
In: American political science review, Band 82, Heft 1, S. 320-321
ISSN: 1537-5943
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 49, Heft 3, S. 863-868
ISSN: 1468-2508
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 49, Heft 3, S. 863-868
ISSN: 0022-3816
In: Italian Political Science Review: IPSR = Rivista italiana di scienza politica : RISP, Band 16, Heft 2, S. 317-335
ISSN: 2057-4908
IntroduzioneÈ stato convincentemente sostenuto che, una volta consolidati, alcuni sistemi partitici sono in grado di modificare, talvolta con effetti destabilizzanti, i modelli della competizione politica. Questi non dipendono dunque soltanto dai fenomeni di alienazione, dalle ideologie o dal mutamento delleissuespresenti nella società, ma sono anche il risultato degli incentivi e delle opportunità offerti ai partiti e agli elettori dalle condizioni create dallo stesso sistema partitico. La teoria del pluralismo polarizzato di Giovanni Sartori è senz'altro l'analisi piò sofisticata e piò ampiamente citata al proposito.
In: American political science review, Band 80, Heft 1, S. 17-43
ISSN: 1537-5943
Despite relatively favorable citizen attitudes, voter turnout in American national elections is far below the average of 80% of the eligible electorate that votes in other industrialized democracies. The American institutional setting—particularly the party system and the registration laws—severely inhibits voter turnout, and probably also accounts for the unusual degree to which education and other socioeconomic resources are directly linked to voting participation in the United States.Using a combination of aggregate and comparative survey data, the present analysis suggests that in comparative perspective, turnout in the United States is advantaged about 5% by political attitudes, but disadvantaged 13% by the party system and institutional factors, and up to 14% by the registration laws. The experience of other democracies suggests that encouraging voter participation would contribute to channeling discontent through the electoral process. Even a significantly expanded American electorate would be more interested and involved in political activity than are present voters in most other democracies.
In: American political science review, Band 80, Heft 1, S. 17
ISSN: 0003-0554
In: American journal of political science: AJPS, Band 30, Heft 2, S. 357
ISSN: 0092-5853
In: American political science review, Band 75, Heft 4, S. 861-879
ISSN: 1537-5943
This article examines alternative visions of "strong" party systems by analyzing relationships between party systems and several dimensions of performance of the political process in 28 democracies of the 1967-1976 decade. Party system theorists agree that voting support for extremist parties manifests a weakness in the party system. They disagree, however, about the virtues or vices of party majorities and close linkages between social groups and parties. The evidence, including multivariate analysis of party system types and characteristics, with controls for environmental conditions, indicates that during this period extremist party support was associated with executive instability and mass rioting. Scholarly concern about other aspects of party system strength or weakness should focus on the desired feature of political performance. The representational, multiparty systems were most successful in limiting rioting.Aggregative majorities,responsible majorities, andrepresentationalparty systems all had good executive stability in the short run, although the first two types seemed somewhat more stable over the decade.Aggregative majorityparty systems were associated with low citizen voting participation.