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Abstract We explore the roots of tolerance for immigration‐related diversity from a political socialization perspective. Among rural adolescent respondents, we find that attitudes toward immigrants are surprisingly variable along a number of important dimensions: anticipated socioeco‐nomic status, family longevity in the community, and employment in agriculture. The extent to which an adolescent's family is anchored in the community proves to be an important determinant of diversity attitudes. Tolerance for diversity is also contextually conditioned by the percentage of immigrants settled in a neighborhood, and the percentage of the local population employed in farming. Interestingly, lower income youth are more welcoming of immigration than the affluent, particularly when they live near them. Without quite labeling these rural adolescent populations racially "progressive," the youth we encountered mostly expressed the norms of tolerance and civility essential for avoiding unpleasant intergroup conflict.

Objectives. This research examines how distance factors into the costs associated with political participation. We hypothesize that the political geography of a voter's residence affects not only the likelihood that he or she will vote, but whether the voter will choose between traditional Election Day voting or nontraditional means, such as casting an absentee ballot by mail, or going to an early‐voting site.Methods. Using a geographic information system (GIS), we calculate Manhattan‐block distances between voter residences and their respective precinct and nearest early‐voting sites in Clark County, NV for the 2002 mid‐term election. We then use these calculated distances to predict, with multinomial logistic regression, the likelihood of nonvoting, precinct voting, and nontraditional voting.Results. Our evidence suggests that the cost of traveling to reach a traditional voting site is associated with nonvoting to a point, but the relationship between distance and participation is nonlinear. Distance to traditional voting sites is also highly associated with choosing to vote by mail. Would‐be nonvoters are more inclined to use proximate election‐day sites than proximate early‐voting sites, probably because they decide to vote so late in the campaign.Conclusions. Our findings have important implications for democratic theory, ongoing efforts to reform the electoral process, and the practice of voter mobilization.

Objectives. This research examines how distance factors into the costs associated with political participation. We hypothesize that the political geography of a voter's residence affects not only the likelihood that he or she will vote, but whether the voter will choose between traditional Election Day voting or nontraditional means, such as casting an absentee ballot by mail, or going to an early-voting site. Methods. Using a geographic information system (GIS), we calculate Manhattan-block distances between voter residences & their respective precinct & nearest early-voting sites in Clark County, NV for the 2002 mid-term election. We then use these calculated distances to predict, with multinomial logistic regression, the likelihood of nonvoting, precinct voting, & nontraditional voting. Results. Our evidence suggests that the cost of traveling to reach a traditional voting site is associated with nonvoting to a point, but the relationship between distance & participation is nonlinear. Distance to traditional voting sites is also highly associated with choosing to vote by mail. Would-be nonvoters are more inclined to use proximate election-day sites than proximate early-voting sites, probably because they decide to vote so late in the campaign. Conclusions. Our findings have important implications for democratic theory, ongoing efforts to reform the electoral process, & the practice of voter mobilization. 2 Tables, 2 Figures, 1 Appendix, 21 References. Adapted from the source document.

Defined in terms of partisanship, substate sectionalism remains pervasive within many states, although it is probably not a constant, even in the short term. Here we ask about the forces that are responsible for producing substate sectionalism as evidenced by support for the two major parties. Using a geographic statistic as our indicator, we evaluate the degree of sectionalism over time in Connecticut presidential and gubernatorial elections. Population trends have increased the extent of sectionalism in the state mainly by exacerbating inequalities between deindustrializing cities in Central Connecticut and prosperous, growing ones in Fairfield County. The growth of the Black population is associated with increasing regionalism in both sets of elections given that the African American population remains concentrated in the largest cities. The study of sectionalism in Connecticut helps us to specify how population growth and redistribution contribute to the political geography of state politics.

Examines to what extent political geography can help understand a state's politics, using a geographic statistic to identify regional nodes in four states for 1928-35 and 1988-2000 presidential elections.