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Abstract
This article analyzes the various ways algorithmic logic structures, streamlines, and delimits the conception of time and memory; orders the logics of social arrangement; and delimits the political. The author considers the ways in which algorithms extend racial discrimination, rendering it less visible, less discernible, and so more difficult to address. He briefly formulates a notion of crypto-value embedded within algorithmic self-conception and elaborates an algorithmic ontology. The latter is distinguished from the contemporary understanding of the post-human. The essay concludes with a reflection on a politics of street encounter as a counter to prevailing algorithmic constraints on the political. "Coding time" accordingly concerns the coding of time, the conception of time embedded in coding, the sociality and value that coding produces, and the implications for being and being human that the time of coding is manifesting.

Against the historical background of the transitions between religion and race, of race as the secularization of the religious, this article traces the ways race operates in the conduct of social struggles, wars, and warring in the making and refashioning of racial conception. This militarizing of society that has constitutively marked modern state formation shapes social disciplining of individuals and the regulation of social structures. The article exemplifies how this has given rise to a discourse of martial races, which in turn shades social practices from the industrial to the financial sector, from political policy to recreation. The article closes with an argument to demilitarize the social and contrast militarizing politics with a politics of irritation.

Neoconservative lobbyist Grover Norquist has declared that he wishes
so to diminish government in the U.S. that he can drown it in a bathtub.
This paper will address the ways in which Katrina has laid bare how the
neoconservative attack on the state since the early 1980s, and especially
in the past five years, has (1) targeted for devastation those public
agencies supportive of the racially defined poor, thus rendering them far
more vulnerable to disasters, both natural and social; and (2) shifted
state resources away from poorer, especially African American and Latino,
citizens to the interests of wealthier (and overwhelmingly White)
Americans, in effect privatizing the definition and implementation of
public programs in the name of "charitable contributions".
This trend has also had the effect of shifting racial discriminations from
the public to the private realm, thus making racism less visible and more
difficult to address, while at the same time easier to deny in
practice.