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By employing individual-level data on MPs in 15 countries and 73 national and local assemblies, this article examines the conditions under which individual MPs are responsive to interest organizations. We show that MPs' political values influence their responsiveness: MPs with more egalitarian and socially open values are more responsive to interest organizations. Moreover, MPs' conceptions of democracy also matter in that more negative views of popular political involvement in democratic decision making are linked to lower responsiveness to interest organizations. Reliance on established ties with groups in society as well as support for technocracy have differential effects for responsiveness toward "old" and "new" interest organizations characterized by diverse social bases. These findings have important implications for democratic practice since they show ho MPs are not all equally responsive to organized citizens as well as how different types of factors matter for responsiveness to "old" and "new" types of interest organizations.

By employing individual-level data on MPs in 15 countries and 73 national and local assemblies, this article examines the conditions under which individual MPs are responsive to interest organizations. We show that MPs' political values influence their responsiveness: MPs with more egalitarian and socially open values are more responsive to interest organizations. Moreover, MPs' conceptions of democracy also matter in that more negative views of popular political involvement in democratic decision making are linked to lower responsiveness to interest organizations. Reliance on established ties with groups in society as well as support for technocracy have differential effects for responsiveness toward "old" and "new" interest organizations characterized by diverse social bases. These findings have important implications for democratic practice since they show how MPs are not all equally responsive to organized citizens as well as how different types of factors matter for responsiveness to "old" and "new" types of interest organizations.

This article investigates the involvement of alternative action organizations in three forms of political advocacy in an attempt to gauge their degree of politicization. These forms can be understood as representing three different ways of making political claims: by raising public awareness with respect to a given cause or issue, by trying to influence the policy maker through "insider" lobbying activities, and by protesting in the streets as "outsiders." Our findings show strong cross-national variations in all three forms of political activities, although not always following a consistent pattern. They also suggest that there is a relationship between the severity of the economic crisis and the form of advocacy. Most important, our analysis suggests that the politicization of alternative action organizations depends both on certain internal characteristics such as their degree of formalization and professionalization, as well as their thematic focus, and the scope of their activities, and on the broader context in terms of economic crisis, austerity policies, and political opportunities. As regards the latter, we find an impact especially on lobbying and protesting.

This article investigates the involvement of alternative action organizations in three forms of political advocacy in an attempt to gauge their degree of politicization. These forms can be understood as representing three different ways of making political claims: by raising public awareness with respect to a given cause or issue, by trying to influence the policy maker through "insider" lobbying activities, and by protesting in the streets as "outsiders." Our findings show strong cross-national variations in all three forms of political activities, although not always following a consistent pattern. They also suggest that there is a relationship between the severity of the economic crisis and the form of advocacy. Most important, our analysis suggests that the politicization of alternative action organizations depends both on certain internal characteristics such as their degree of formalization and professionalization, as well as their thematic focus, and the scope of their activities, and on the broader context in terms of economic crisis, austerity policies, and political opportunities. As regards the latter, we find an impact especially on lobbying and protesting.

solidarity in Europe; transnational solidarity; political sociology; citizen responses to crisis; asylum policies; refugee crisis; attitudes towards European Union

"This handbook provides readers with up-to-date knowledge on environmental movements, activism, and is a reference point for international work in the field. It offers an assessment of environmental movements in different regions of the world, macrostructural conditions and processes underlying their mobilization, the microstructural and social-psychological dimensions of environmental movements and activism, current trends as well as prospects for environmental movements and social change. The handbook is an essential guide and reference point not only for researchers but also for undergraduate and graduate teaching and for policymakers and activists"--

This volume presents evidence-based research on citizens' experiences and reactions to the Great Recession in Europe. How did European citizen experience and react to the crisis? How are the experiences of crisis and political responses socially differentiated? Are some social classes and more deprived groups particularly hard hit? How did the crisis impact on political choices? What types of political action did citizens engage in and why? What were the drivers of populist attitudes and protest participation? This country-based book explores these important dynamics as expressed in diverse national contexts, namely France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Poland, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, and UK. Each chapter focuses on one of these countries and employs data from the same survey fielded in 2015. This volume is of particular relevance for scholars, students, and practitioners interested in political sociology, comparative politics and European politics

Intro -- Acknowledgements -- Contents -- Notes on Editors and Contributors -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Chapter 1: Solidarity in Europe-European Solidarity: An Introduction -- Introduction -- Contributing Knowledge to an Established Field of Research: Concepts, Measurements, and Assumptions -- Structure and Objectives of the Book -- References -- Chapter 2: Toward a New Conditionality of Welfare? Reconsidering Solidarity in the Danish Welfare State -- Introduction -- Contextualizing Solidarity: The Danish Case -- Findings -- Reported Solidarity Practices -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 3: Solidarity Activism in Germany: What Explains Different Types and Levels of Engagement? -- Introduction -- Theories of Solidarity Activism -- Measurement -- Findings -- Frequencies of Solidarity Action: Descriptive Results -- Comparing the Active and the Inactive: Socio-structural and Ideational Factors -- Motifs and Beliefs Explaining Solidarity Actions? -- Conclusion -- Appendix -- References -- Chapter 4: Pulling Together or Pulling Apart? Solidarity in the Post-Crisis UK -- Introduction -- Hypotheses -- Data -- Geographies of Solidarity: Findings from the Constituent Nations and Regions of the UK -- Results for the Individual-Level Variables -- Conclusions -- Appendix -- References -- Chapter 5: Solidarity Practices in Poland and Their Social Capital Foundations -- Introduction -- Structural and Normative Sources of Solidarity Action: The Case of a Post-Communist Country -- Measuring Individual Transnational Solidarity: Methods and Data -- Solidarity Behaviors in Poland: Three Types of Support for Different Groups of Addressees According to the Geopolitical Proximity -- Bonding and Bridging Social Capital and Their Impact on (Transnational) Solidarity Behavior.

"Drawing on case studies from around the world, contributors to this ground-breaking book explore a major contemporary paradox: on the one hand, young people today are at the forefront of political campaigns promoting social rights and ethical ideas that challenge authoritarian orders and elite privileges. On the other hand, too many governments, some claiming to be committed to liberal-democratic values, social inclusion and youth participation are engaged in repressing political activities that contest the status quo. Contributors to this book explore how, especially since 9/11, governments, state agencies and other traditional power holders around the globe have reacted to political dissent authored by young people. While the need to enhance youth political participation is promoted, the cases in this book document how states are using everything from surveillance, summary offences, expulsion from universities, gag laws and antiterrorism legislation, and even imprisonment to repress certain forms of young peoples political activism. These responses diminish the public sphere and create civic spaces hostile to political participation by any citizen.This book forms part of The Criminalization of Political Dissent series. It documents and interprets the many ways contemporary governments and agencies now routinely use various techniques to repress and criminalise political dissent. "--Provided by publisher.

solidarity in Europe; transnational solidarity; political sociology; citizen responses to crisis; asylum policies; refugee crisis; attitudes towards European Union

What is the relationship between economic crises and protest behaviour? Does the experience of austerity, or economic hardship more broadly defined, create a greater potential for protest? With protest movements and events such as the Indignados and the Occupy Movement receiving a great deal of attention in the media and in the popular imaginary in recent times, this path-breaking book offers a rigorously-researched, evidence-based set of chapters on the relationship between austerity and protest. In so doing, it provides a thorough overview of different theories, mechanisms, patterns and trends which will contextualize more recent developments, and provide a pivotal point of reference on the relationship between these two variables. More specifically, this book will speak to three crucial, long-standing debates in scholarship in political sociology, social movement studies, and related fields: The effects of economic hardship on protest and social movements. The role of grievances and opportunities in social movement theory. The distinction between 'old' and 'new' movements. The chapters in this book engage with these three key debates and challenge commonly held views of political sociologists and social movement scholars on all three counts, thus allowing us to advance study in the field.--

We compare gender gaps in attitudes towards redistribution and social spending across generations in the USA and Britain. We show that the US context, characterized by lower welfare provision, results in consistent or even widening gender gaps for generations born post-1925. On the other hand, the British context, characterized by higher welfare provision relative to the USA, exhibits a narrowing and closing of the gender gap for younger generations, for two out of three indicators of spending preferences. These findings provide some, albeit mixed, evidence that women are more consistently in favour of social spending and redistribution than men in contexts characterized by low welfare provision such as the USA. Where there are higher levels of social support, we argue women could become increasingly more likely to express a preference for levels of spending and redistribution that is similar to men's, narrowing the gender gap among younger generations.