Suchergebnisse

This article examines the influence of exchange rate fluctuations on public support for the euro. Existing studies of the two euro referendums in Denmark and Sweden have explained the outcomes primarily in terms of static factors, thereby ignoring the fact that support fluctuates over time. This article provides an analysis of the short-term dynamics in public support for the euro in the period leading up to the referendums. We argue that exchange rate fluctuations matter, because people attach symbolic value to their national currency and are less likely to surrender a strong currency. They are also less willing to accept the euro when it is seen as weak vis-a-vis other world currencies. Our case-study and time-series analyses of the two euro campaigns corroborate these propositions. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright holder.]

Governments in democratic systems are expected to respond to the issue preferences of citizens. Yet we have a limited understanding of the factors that cause levels of responsiveness to vary across time and between countries. In this article, the authors suggest that political contestation is the primary mechanism driving policy responsiveness and that this, in turn, is mediated by political institutions and government popularity. To test this proposition, the authors analyze the responsiveness of executive policy promises (speeches) and policy actions (public expenditure) in Britain, Denmark, and the United States in the period from 1970 to 2005. These time-series analyses show that higher levels of political contestation are associated with more responsive executives. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright 2008.]

The ability of a political system to respond to the preferences of its citizens is central to democratic theory and practice; yet most empirical research on government responsiveness has concentrated on the United States. As a result, we know very little about the nature of government policy responsiveness in Europe and we have a poor understanding of the conditions that affect cross-national variations. This comparative study examines the relationship between public opinion and policy preferences in the United Kingdom and Denmark during the past three decades. We address two key questions: First, are the government's policy intentions driven by public opinion or vice versa? Second, do political institutions influence the level of government responsiveness? We suggest that public opinion tends to drive the government's policy intentions due to the threat of electoral sanction, and that this is more pronounced in proportional systems than in majoritarian democracies.

The divergent policies of Denmark & Ireland towards the US-led war in Iraq suggest that international relations must go beyond neo-realist assumptions of unitary state actors with well-defined interests. By examining the levels of domestic politics & regional cooperation, the authors argue that divergent patterns of public opinion & regional alliances contributed to different views on the identity of the leader in international affairs. They support their argument with a theoretical framework using the three levels of analysis. In these domestic, region & international, they combine Putnam's two level games with institutionalized regional cooperation in Europe. The three factors of domestic incentives & constraints, regional alliances &international conflict are analyzed to support their explanations of the divergent Irish & Danish positions on the war in Iraq. References. J. Harwell

This title analyzes whether citizens blame and credit European Union (EU) institutions for policy failures and successes, and how that matters when people make decisions about those institutions.

Factors that affect UK voters' behavior on European Union referendums are studied to develop a strategy for ensuring the UK's acceptance of the European Constitution. Four circumstances that are predicted to considerable influence UK voters' behavior on the constitutional referendum are identified: public attitudes toward European integration, affiliation with political parties, satisfaction with the government, & the nature of the referendum campaign. Data collected from various sources are subsequently analyzed, revealing the following: a majority of respondents are opposed to passing the European Constitution; individuals aligned with parties who support the referendum & those who are satisfied with the government are more inclined to accept the measure; the amount of information about the referendum provided during the campaign increased voters' willingness to accept the European Constitution; & voters' support for European integration was contingent upon the UK state's ability to remain autonomy in certain policy areas (eg, crime, education, immigration, & police). The question concerning whether the referendum campaign should highlight the constitution's benefits or emphasize the consequences of not accepting it is also considered. 3 Tables, 3 Figures. J. W. Parker

"The years since the financial crisis have been marked by a remarkable stability in national government which hides the impact of a new kind of issue based politics which has arisen with parties such as Podemos in Spain, Srizia in Greece, The National Front in France and UKiP in the UK, all of whom have had a significant influence in shaping the political agenda in their own countries even if they have not actually secured formal power. This is the first book to present a rigorous yet accessible analysis of this phenomenon, grounded in the theories and methods of quantitative political science but drawing on empirical insights and theory from political psychology and sociology as well to try to understand the similarities and differences in the circumstances that have lead to these parties springing up and shaping political discourse and even policy to an extent that has challenged the very existence of the traditional party system"--

Frontmatter -- CONTENTS -- Preface -- Introduction -- 1 The Rise of Challenger Parties -- 2 A Theory of Political Change -- 3 Voter Loyalty -- 4 Strategies of Dominance -- 5 Issue Entrepreneurship -- 6 Antiestablishment Rhetoric -- 7 Changing Voter Appeal -- 8 Representation and Government -- 9 Future Scenarios -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index

Citizen satisfaction with democracy is greater when parties offer choices that are congruent with voter preferences. But are citizens content with simply having a party that represents their views or does their satisfaction depend on whether that party can also be instrumental in implementing policies? We argue that instrumentality moderates the effect of ideological congruence on democratic satisfaction. Combining an analysis of cross-national survey data with an experimental conjoint design, we find that citizens able to vote for a congruent party with a chance of entering government are more satisfied with democracy, whereas congruence without instrumentality has no such effect.

Governing parties generally win fewer votes at European Parliament elections than at national electionsmost common explanation for this is that European elections are 'second order national elections' acting as mid-term referendums on government performance. This article proposes an alternative, though complementary, explanation: voters defect because governing parties are generally far more pro-European than the typical voter. Additionally, the more the campaign context primes Eurosceptic sentiments, the more likely voters are to turn against governing parties. A multi-level model is used to test these propositions and analyse the effects of individual and contextual factors at the 1999 and 2004 European Parliament elections. Both European and domestic concerns matter to voters; moreover, campaign context plays an important role in shaping vote choices. (British Journal of Political Science / FUB)