Suchergebnisse

This article examines the legal framework governing economic relations between the United States and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and outlines a roadmap for a US-ASEAN Free Trade Agreement (FTA). Notwithstanding ASEAN's emerging centrality in Asian regionalism, America remains the only Pacific power that has not concluded any form of FTA with ASEAN.This article explains that limited progress in Washington's efforts stemmed from the domestic politics of the US Trade and Investment Framework Agreement (TIFA) approach and the Myanmar dilemma. It further analyses the challenges that the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) Agreement negotiations have encountered and contends that the TPP cannot be a substitute for a US-ASEAN FTA. Finally, a 'Plan B' roadmap to reinvigorate US-ASEAN trade ties is proposed.This roadmap calls for an enhanced TIFA that incorporates the building block features of ASEAN's framework agreements, thereby laying a solid yet gradual foundation for an FTA. This research therefore provides a valuable study of a region-based FTA under the multilateral trading system.

This article examines legal and geopolitical aspects of the China-Taiwan Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA). It begins by analyzing areas in which the two governments' measures contravene rules of the World Trade Organization (WTO). In particular, it provides the first detailed examination of the significant implications emerging from the ECFA for cross-straits trade relations and East Asian regionalism. The article also explains how the ECFA was modeled on free trade agreements (FTAs) of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and assesses the impact of the ECFA's early harvest program. Finally, the article discusses the ECFA's consistency with WTO requirements for an interim FTA agreement and potential legal issues arising from the dispute settlement mechanism. In this respect, the article presents a valuable case study of an FTA.

This article examines legal and institutional aspects of the evolution of China's approach to the dispute settlement mechanism of the World Trade Organization (WTO). It begins by analyzing the impact of China's changing attitude toward international law on the escalation of international economic law research. In particular, the article provides the first detailed examination of China's efforts to strengthen public–private cooperation in building its WTO legal capacity. China established think tanks to bridge the information and communication gaps between the government and industries. To develop its WTO lawyers, the Chinese government has consistently required international law firms to collaborate with domestic firms in major disputes and engaged the latter in third-party cases. Finally, the article evaluates China's assertive legalism strategy that enhances its recent participation in WTO rule-making and disputes against the US and the European Union. This research, therefore, provides a valuable case study for other emerging economies and the multilateral trading system.

"Die Frage nach Taiwans Status sieht sich durch die Ein-China-Politik sowohl nach inländischem als auch nach internationalem Recht Herausforderungen ausgesetzt. Der Artikel legt dar, dass der Status der Republik China auf Taiwan (RC) als Staat nie aufgehört hat zu existieren - weder als Resultat des Verlustes der diplomatischen Anerkennung noch durch die Resolution der Vereinten Nationen, die den VN-Sitz von der RC auf die Volksrepublik China (VRC) übertrug. In den vergangenen Jahrzehnten besaßen die RC und die VRC eigene Staatlichkeiten und haben unter dem 'de jure Dach China' nebeneinander bestanden. Die Entwicklung der Staatenpraxis Taiwans und Chinas sowie ausländischer Staaten lässt auf eine pragmatischere Einstellung gegenüber der Formel vom geteilten Staat schließen. Außerdem zeigen die jüngsten Wirtschaftsabkommen über die Meerenge hinweg und Taiwans Beobachterstatus in der Weltgesundheitsversammlung die signifikanten Fortschritte in den Beziehungen zwischen Peking und Taipeh. Dennoch geht der Artikel davon aus, dass die Ein-China-Politik Taiwan bei seinem Bemühen, anderen den VN angegliederten Organisationen, die die Mitgliedschaft auf Staaten beschränken, beizutreten, weiterhin vor Schwierigkeiten stellen wird." (Autorenreferat)

The question of Taiwan's status has faced legal challenges from the one China policy under both domestic law and international law. The article argues that the state status of the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan has never ceased to exist as a result of either the loss of diplomatic recognition or the United Nations Resolution 2758, which transferred the UN seat from the ROC to the People's Republic of China (PRC). In the past decades, the ROC and the PRC possess separate statehoods and have co-existed under the "de jure roof of China." The evolvement of state practice of Taiwan and China, as well as foreign states, indicate a more pragmatic approach to the divided state formula. Moreover, recent cross-strait economic agreements and Taiwan's observership at the World Health Assembly show the significant improvement of Beijing-Taipei relations. Yet, the article cautions that the one-China policy will continue to pose renewed challenges to Taiwan's bid to join other UN-affiliated agencies, which condition membership on states. Adapted from the source document.

The question of Taiwan's status has faced legal challenges from the one- China policy under both domestic law and international law. The article argues that the state status of the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan has never ceased to exist as a result of either the loss of diplomatic recognition or the United Nations Resolution 2758, which transferred the UN seat from the ROC to the People's Republic of China (PRC). In the past decades, the ROC and the PRC possess separate statehoods and have co-existed under the "de jure roof of China." The evolvement of state practice of Taiwan and China, as well as foreign states, indicate a more pragmatic approach to the divided state formula. Moreover, recent cross-strait economic agreements and Taiwan's observership at the World Health Assembly show the significant improvement of Beijing-Taipei relations. Yet, the article cautions that the one-China policy will continue to pose renewed challenges to Taiwan's bid to join other UN-affiliated agencies, which condition membership on states.

This article examines trade negotiations and disputes between China and the United States. It begins by ascertaining the unique political aspects of China-U.S. bilateral economic ties and explains the historical background underlying the relations. The article then argues that trade frictions between China and the United States are unlikely to repeat the Depression-era trade wars. The article observes that both the Chinese and U.S. governments are aware that the adoption of WTO-inconsistent measures may result in retaliatory actions from the other side. Hence, the two governments have attempted to resolve potential disputes through high-level official talks. Even when certain issues cannot be solved through dialogue, the WTO dispute settlement system has proven to be efficient as an instrument of final resort to deal with bilateral trade frictions. Finally, the article submits that the change in China's attitude toward WTO disputes further integrates the country into the international economic order and paves the way for a more positive development of China-U.S. trade relations.