La Neutralité Suisse à l'Heure Européenne
In: International affairs, Band 40, Heft 4, S. 725-725
ISSN: 1468-2346
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In: International affairs, Band 40, Heft 4, S. 725-725
ISSN: 1468-2346
In: Parliamentary affairs: a journal of comparative politics, Band XIII, Heft 1960mar, S. 386-386
ISSN: 1460-2482
In: Parliamentary affairs: a journal of comparative politics, Band XIII, Heft 1959aug, S. 124-126
ISSN: 1460-2482
In: Parliamentary affairs: a journal of representative politics, Band 11, S. 7-15
ISSN: 0031-2290
In: Parliamentary affairs: a journal of comparative politics, Band X, Heft 2, S. 241-243
ISSN: 1460-2482
In: World affairs: a journal of ideas and debate, Band 102, S. 86-87
ISSN: 0043-8200
Address before joint session of the United States congress, Mar. 5, 1939.
In: The annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Heft 200, suppl
ISSN: 0002-7162
Addresses delivered at the sessions commemorative of the centenary of the Monroe doctrine, Philadelphia, Pa., Nov. 30-Dec. 1, 1923.
In: American journal of international law, Band 16, S. 365-374
ISSN: 0002-9300
In: National municipal review, Band 10, S. 23-31
ISSN: 0190-3799
In: Peace research abstracts journal, Band 44, Heft 3, S. 415
ISSN: 0031-3599
Cover -- Table of Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Note on Terms and Names -- Map of Cambodia -- Map of Timor-Leste -- I "Welcome to Dili, Fucken Australien": Ambivalent Responses to Intervention -- II "Extremists" and "Heroes": War-Torn Cambodia and Timor -- III "Masters of Independence": War-Torn Communities in International Policy -- IV "Full of Malaria and Too Remote": Constructing and Policing the Boundaries of Home -- V "Normal and Simple Members of the Community": Demobilizing the Mob -- VI "Diligent and Obedient Boys": Dependence and Discretion in Elite Politics -- VII "Khmer When It's Easy, American When It's Difficult": Gatekeeping and the Politics of Authenticity -- VIII Empty Shells: Nationalists Adrift in the Dependent Peace -- Bibliography -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- Z
EXECUTIVE SUMMARYSince the adoption of the National Campaign Against Drug Abuse (NCADA) in 1985 coordination has been one of the key mechanisms in the development of effective drug policies in Australia. Coordination, which is defined as the process of synchronising activities towards a common goal with the ultimate aim of attaining more integrated and effective policy outcomes, is not an easy task. Responding to drug use and its attendant harms requires complex, inter-governmental, inter-departmental and inter-sectoral responses. It requires solutions that involve multiple stakeholders: Federal, state, territory and local governments; diverse sectors, particularly health, law enforcement and education; government and non-government service providers and the involvement of business, industry, the media, research institutions, local communities and individuals.Australia's reputation for coordination of alcohol, tobacco and illicit drug policies, as exemplified through NCADA and its various iterations, have led to international praise, particularly for the partnership between the health and law enforcement sector (Single, 2001, p. 65). But it is increasingly being recognised that while well coordinated systems can facilitate the capacity for integrated policy development and implementation, poorly coordinated systems may be more deleterious than systems that provide no coordination. Poorly coordinated systems may increase fragmentation, reduce accountability, increase the time and cost of responding, create barriers to services for drug users, reduce public respect for policies and lead to internal conflict between governments, sectors and service providers (Peters, 1998). Indeed in 1997 Single and Rohl (1997) argued that the national system for managing and coordinating the National Drug Strategy was in need of major reform since both its legitimacy and the ability to operate effectively were in serious doubt.While we note the valuable research that has been conducted into Australian drug policy processes, (see particularly Fitzgerald, 2005; Fitzgerald & Sewards, 2002) to date there has been no explicit study that has focused on the coordination of Australian drug policy. This project rectifies this need by examining the processes and structures for illicit drug policy coordination in Australia. We focus on Australian illicit drug policy coordination in the broadest sense, whether guided and influenced by the National Campaign Against Drug Abuse strategies or National Illicit Drug Strategies and/or both. For reasons of simplicity this project focuses on coordination within and between our national structures and advisory groups, represented at the peak by the Ministerial Council on Drug Strategy. The national advisory processes and structures warrant particular attention given they are the only formal mechanisms at which all levels of government and sectors come together to direct and coordinate Australian drug policy.This study provides a new approach to looking at coordination, through the lens of "good governance". Such an approach was adopted both due to the absence of any specific theories or frameworks on coordination, and because of the strong links between coordination and governance.
BASE
In: Journal of property research, Band 25, Heft 4, S. 269-283
ISSN: 1466-4453
Rural development comprises three components: production, consumption and organisation. PRODUCTION points to the activities rural people undertake to obtain goods (such as food) and services (such as transport) for themselves and others in their community. Production can be measured in terms of the amount of money a rural family earns, or in terms of the amount of food the family grows and consumes. CONSUMPTION points to the fulfilment of the needs—in the first place, the basic needs—of rural families. Primary examples are the availability of clean water and of wood as a fuel source, of health and adequate nutrition, of education, welfare and transport. These needs are met by the delivery of services to a rural community. Services are provided in the first place by the central state, often through its local authority (in Ciskei, the Tribal Authority). They may also be provided by voluntary associations active in the community, or by the household itself. ORGANISATION points simply to the ways in which productive activities (work) and consumption (receiving) are linked together in a rural community. The structure of the Tribal Authority and village councils, of schools, clinics, agricultural cooperatives, churches and women's groups are examples. All these institutions are designed to improve production and consumption in a given rural community. A rural development strategy then is a strategy aimed at improving production, consumption and the ways in which these two are linked. A rural development strategy moreover is initiated by the central government and can therefore be seen as a relationship between the central government and rural communities in Ciskei. ; Digitised by Rhodes University Library on behalf of the Institute of Social and Economic Research (ISER)
BASE
In: Labour history: a journal of labour and social history, Heft 16, S. 68
ISSN: 1839-3039