Suchergebnisse

The Paris agreements, signed on January 27, 1973, finally put an end to direct military intervention by the United States. The intense bombardment of Vietnam proved incapable of changing the fate of the war. The United States had to give up the idea of "final victory" and, compelled by its own public opinion, was forced to withdraw its troops from the country, leaving the Vietnamese to decide on their own. Why did the United States intervene in Indochina? The core of the reasons for the intervention is already elaborated in the Truman doctrine of "containment." Furthermore, an understanding of the American intervention in Indochina requires not only the analysis of its own official conceptions, but also an understanding of the international system that was constituted after the Second World War. ; Los acuerdos de Paris, firmados el 27 de enero de 1973, ponen término, finalmente, a la intervención militar directa de los Estados Unidos. El intenso bombardeo de Vietnam se reveló incapaz de cambiar la suerte de Ia guerra. Los Estados Unidos tuvieron que renunciar a la idea de la "victoria final" y, compelidos por su propia opinión pública, se vieron forzados a retirar sus tropas del país, dejando a los vietnamitas la decisión de su propia suerte. ¿Por qué intervinieron los Estados Unidos en Indochina? El núcleo de las razones que determinaron la intervención ya se encuentra contenido en la doctrina Truman del "containment". Además, el entendimiento de la intervención americana en Indochina requiere no solo del análisis de sus propias concepciones oficiales, sino de la comprensión del sistema internacional que se constituyó después de la segunda guerra mundial.

This essay makes a brief analysis of the experiment of Salvador Allende and the Popular Unity government, considering mainly its characteristics as a political model, and its meaning, as a political experiment, rather than its episodic and immediate aspects. One of the most extraordinary characteristics of the Chilean situation is the fact that in a scenario of institutional crisis, the contending parties had not been able to either reach a compromise or embark on preparing for a coup. The question arises to what extent the basic program of the Allende government was compatible with the structural characteristics and Chilean conditions. ; Este ensayo realiza un breve análisis del experimento de Salvador Allende y el gobierno de la Unidad Popular, considerando principalmente sus características como un modelo político, y su significado, como un experimento político, antes que sus aspectos episódicos y coyunturales. Una de las características más extraordinarias de la situación chilenas es el hecho de que ante un escenario de crisis institucional, las partes contendientes no habían sido capaces ni de alcanzar un compromiso ni de embarcarse en la preparación de un golpe. Cabe preguntarse hasta qué punto el programa básico del gobierno de Allende era compatible con las características estructurales y condiciones chilenas.

This paper discusses the main thesis that has been developed by the Club of Rome (CoR) that maintains that, unless measures are taken in time, the effects of the exponential growth of the population and its consumption are accumulating pressure on resources and the limited capacity for self-regulation of the ecosystem will have as consequence a profound degradation of the material and cultural standard of humanity. An attempt is then made to indicate the main problem areas that comprise such affirmations and to comment on them. Finally, there is a discussion of the political aspects of this problem, particularly in view of the present international system and the situation of underdeveloped countries. ; En el presente trabajo se discute la tesis principal que ha sido desarrollada por el Club de Roma (CoR) que sostiene que, a menos que se tomen medidas a tiempo, los efectos del crecimiento exponencial de la población y su consumo están acumulando una presión sobre los recursos y la limitada capacidad de autorregulación del ecosistema tendrá como consecuencia una profunda degradación del estándar material y cultural de la humanidad. Luego se hace un intento de indicar las áreas principales de problemas que comprenden tales tesis y comentarlos. Finalmente, se lleva a cabo una discusión de los aspectos políticos de esa problemática, particularmente en vista del presente sistema internacional y de la situación de los países subdesarrollados.

A study of the historical & soc dynamics of Brazilian nat' - lism. Nat' lism occurs in Brazil in the dual garb of phenomenon & purpose. Nation & nat' lism are at the same time both objective & subjective, process & project. The historical process of Brazilian nat' lism begins with nativism in pol & litersture. It is r' ed with Brazil's ED, which is divided into 3 phases: (1) from discovery to the abolition of the slave trade (1500 to 1850); (2) the semi-colonial period, from 1850 to the collapse of the one-crop coffee-based economy in 1930; & (3) from the transitional period of the Great Depression to the deliberate industr' ization of the 1950's, which leads to the structural crisis of the yrs after 1961. This 3rd phase is examined in detail, & the following conclusions are drawn: (a) the present crisis of nation & nat'lism arises from an incompatibility of instit' al conditions; (b) nat' lism , inasmuch as it serves tint' I development & emancipation, is indispensable to ED; (c) the supremacy of the 'consular' (ie, foreign-backed) bourgcoisie,supported by the military, has a stagnating & degrading effect; (d) such a regime must produce a left-wing revolutionary movement; & (e) there can be no ED without a nat' 1 state which embodies a pol' al & soc democracy. I. Langnas.