While early studies of populism, usually dated from the 1960s, were highly interdisciplinary, contemporary research in this field is dominated by political science and political theory. This current phase of research is narrowly focused on certain forms of political action and remarkably reluctant to pathologize the US case. Social theory plays at most a marginal role. Recent historicizations of this field have failed to recognize the significance of the prior 'missing first phase' of populism studies (1940–65) led by key sociological figures among the New York Intellectuals and the Frankfurt School. Social theorization was prominent then and US populism's contingent vulnerability to demagogic exploitation was a major research focus. This article provides an immanent critical reconstruction of these thinkers' key social-theoretical insights, building to a schematization of 'modern demagogy'.
Frankfurt School conceptions of culture industry and demagogy are employed in a synoptic historical analysis of the relation between demagogy and US culture industries. A recent New York Times editorial critique of Donald Trump's demagogy is placed in a 'tradition' of tension between US high journalism and demagogy dating from the 1920s. This period saw the near simultaneous codification of professional editorial newspaper ethics and the rise of broadcast demagogues like Father Charles Coughlin. The tradition reaches its most famous conflict point in the now heroicized struggle between Edward R. Murrow and Joseph McCarthy. The state sought to redress the rise of culture industry demagogy via communications regulation known as The Fairness Doctrine. The latter's demise enabled the 1990s return to prominence of demagogic speech within the culture industries. The article argues, however, that what was pivotal to this history was the facilitation of the commodification of mediated demagogic speech at the advent of broadcasting, a path apparently unique to the USA amongst the major democracies. Rather than a return to the contentious 'burden on speech' of a Fairness Doctrine, decommodification is thus the most plausible means of reducing US culture industry demagogy.
Frankfurt School conceptions of culture industry and demagogy are employed in a synoptic historical analysis of the relation between demagogy and US culture industries. A recent New York Times editorial critique of Donald Trump's demagogy is placed in a 'tradition' of tension between US high journalism and demagogy dating from the 1920s. This period saw the near simultaneous codification of professional editorial newspaper ethics and the rise of broadcast demagogues like Father Charles Coughlin. The tradition reaches its most famous conflict point in the now heroicized struggle between Edward R. Murrow and Joseph McCarthy. The state sought to redress the rise of culture industry demagogy via communications regulation known as The Fairness Doctrine. The latter's demise enabled the 1990s return to prominence of demagogic speech within the culture industries. The article argues, however, that what was pivotal to this history was the facilitation of the commodification of mediated demagogic speech at the advent of broadcasting, a path apparently unique to the USA amongst the major democracies. Rather than a return to the contentious 'burden on speech' of a Fairness Doctrine, decommodification is thus the most plausible means of reducing US culture industry demagogy.
In: Shofar: a quarterly interdisciplinary journal of Jewish studies ; official journal of the Midwest and Western Jewish Studies Associations, Band 26, Heft 3, S. 219-222
Because architecture provides a 'concrete' focus for many debates pertinent to collective identities, then the rebuilding of the Ground Zero site by architect Daniel Libeskind is hugely significant from the perspective of sociology. So-called 'starchitects' such as Libeskind are increasingly conscious of the complex identity discourses within which their work is situated, with competing identity claims evidenced not only in the actual form of buildings, but also in the abstract narratives architects use to situate their work in a way that avoids (symbolically) privileging one identity over another.The capacity of architects to position their buildings in this way provides the focus of this article, which argues that architects' discourses frequently reveal many tensions between culture, politics, power, and identity.The symbolic nationalization of the architecture at the Ground Zero site has, in part, been achieved by the narrative, highly symbolic links between the buildings there and an 'American' collective identity.
Intro -- Foreword -- References -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- Contents -- Abbreviations -- Indonesian Vocabulary -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- 1 Inquiring into Self-organization and the Self-organized City -- 1.1 Introduction -- 1.2 Our Interest in Informality -- References -- 2 Informality and Responding to the Challenges of Informal Settlements -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Informality and the Informal Settlement Context -- 2.3 Attempts to Formalize Informal Settlements -- 2.4 Recognizing Micro-scale Changes in Informal Settlements -- 2.5 Formalizing the Informal City -- 2.6 Conclusion -- References -- 3 Key Concepts in Understanding Self-organization and the Self-organized City -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 The Notion of Self-organization and Key Related Concepts -- 3.2.1 Self-organization -- 3.2.2 Self-help Housing -- 3.2.3 Complex Adaptive Systems -- 3.2.4 Order -- 3.2.5 Increments: The 'Building Blocks' of Micro-morphological Change -- 3.3 Summary -- References -- 4 Urbanization and the Development of the Kampung in Indonesia -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 Urbanization Trends in Indonesia-An Overview -- 4.3 The Structure of Indonesia's Planning System -- 4.4 National Housing Policies -- 4.5 Understanding the Evolution and Role of the Kampung -- 4.6 The Importance of the Kampung Improvement Program (KIP) -- 4.7 Summary -- References -- 5 Kampung Marlina, Jakarta -- 5.1 History of Kampung Marlina -- 5.2 Socio-economic Characteristics -- 5.3 Governance Systems -- 5.4 Morphological Evolution -- 5.5 Strategies of Adaptation -- 5.6 Conclusion -- References -- 6 Kampung Pakualaman, Yogyakarta -- 6.1 History of Kampung Development -- 6.2 Socio-economic Characteristics -- 6.3 Governance Systems -- 6.4 Morphological Evolution -- 6.5 Interface Typology -- 6.6 Strategies of Adaptation -- 6.7 Conclusion -- References.
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Inquiring into self-organization and the self-organized city -- Informality and responding to the challenges of informal settlements -- Key concepts in understanding self-organization and the self-organized city -- Urbanization and the development of the Kampung in Indonesia -- Kampung Marlina, Jakarta -- Kampung Pakualaman, Yogyakarta -- Kampungs Lebak Siliwangi and Tamansari, Bandung -- Beyond the informal – Better understanding self-organization and the self-organized city.
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The phrase Red Power, coined by Clyde Warrior (1939-1968) in the 1960s, introduced militant rhetoric into American Indian activism. In this first-ever biography of Warrior, historian Paul R. McKenzie-Jones presents the Ponca leader as the architect of the Red Power movement, spotlighting him as one of the most significant and influential figures in the fight for Indian rights. The Red Power movement arose in reaction to centuries of oppressive federal oversight of American Indian peoples. It comprised an assortment of grassroots organizations that fought for treaty rights, tribal sovereignty, self-determination, cultural preservation, and cultural relevancy in education. A cofounder of the National Indian Youth Council, Warrior was among the movement's most prominent spokespeople. Throughout the 1960s, he blazed a trail of cultural and political reawakening in Indian Country, using a combination of ultranationalistic rhetoric and direct-action protest. McKenzie-Jones uses interviews with some of Warrior's closest associates to delineate the complexity of community, tradition, culture, and tribal identity that shaped Warrior's activism. For too many years, McKenzie-Jones maintains, Warrior's death at age twenty-nine overshadowed his intellect and achievements. Red Power has been categorized as an American Indian interpretation of Black Power that emerged after his death. This groundbreaking book brings to light, however, previously unchronicled connections between Red Power and Black Power that show the movements emerging side by side as militant, urgent calls for social change. Warrior borrowed only the slogan as a metaphor for cultural and community integrity. Descended from hereditary chiefs, Warrior was immersed in Ponca history and language from birth. McKenzie-Jones shows how this intimate experience, and the perspective gained from participating in powwows, summer workshops, and college Indian organizations, shaped Warrior's intertribal approach to Indian affairs. This long-overdue biography explores how Clyde Warrior's commitment to culture, community, and tradition formed the basis for his vision of Red Power
"To achieve progress in society and business practices, more entrepreneurship is needed to encourage action and enhance social capital in society, and transformational entrepreneurship may be the key. Transformational entrepreneurship offers a way of integrating sustainability practices whilst focusing on sustainable future trends.This book discusses how transformational entrepreneurship uses novel business practices to reduce inequality in the marketplace and how it transforms society through creative solutions that enable change. The book provides useful insight into better understanding this emerging concept."--Publisher's description.