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The Global terrorism is evolving, adapting to the new realities and still posing a serious threat to all humanity and the security of all countries of the world. Currently, the main terrorist threat comes from ISIL (Da'esh), which despite the complete defeat of the «caliphate» in Syria and Iraq, has a wide network of terrorist branches in the most problematic and conflict areas on the territory stretching from the Western part of the Sahel to the Philippines. The problem of foreign terrorist fighters returning and moving from the war zone to the countries of origin is the most urgent issue on the present agenda. At the annual press conference held on December 19, 2019 the Russian President Vladimir Putin again emphasized the topical character of this problem. He highlighted in particular that the problem of returning terrorist fighters can be solved only by joint efforts, and for this "it is necessary to establish highly effective joint cooperation". At least 16 countries of the world, including Russia, have already suffered from terrorist attacks carried out by ISIL fighters returning from battlefields. The article analyses in detail the problems that the flow of recent supporters of «caliphate» returning to Russia and other countries brings. The study also contains consolidated recommendations on addressing the threat posed by foreign terrorist fighters affiliated with the «Islamic State».

This article is an extension of the research material published in the previous issue of the Journal "International Analytics" (2016, vol. 3 (17), p. 45–58), and focused on the activity of the Jewish paramilitary groups in Palestine before the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948. Originally the conspiratorial Jewish extremist organization opposed the policy of the Jewish immigration restraint which had been carried out by the socialist countries, especially the USSR. Some ultra-Orthodox groups, such as the Union of Zealots, used openly the terrorist methods in the struggle against the development of Israel as a secular and democratic state. After the war of 1967 and the Israeli occupation of the Arab territories the orthodox-nationalists, who formed the vanguard of the "Movement for Greater Israel", created an underground network of extremist armed organizations. From the beginning, the activities of these groups were contrary to the Israeli Law on the Fight against Terror. The term commonly used for the Jewish underground groups in Hebrew is "mahteret". There have been several dozen groups of this kind in the history of the Israeli settlements movement. The most famous of them are "Kach" ("Thus") and "Kahane Chai" ("Kahane Lives").The initiator and inspirer of the "Jewish Underground" was an American Orthodox Rabbi Meir Kahane. He founded a political settlement party "Kach" which had legally existed until in 1988 a ban on the list of its candidates in the parliamentary elections was imposed by the Supreme Court of Israel because of the accusations of the denial of the democratic character of the state of Israel and the promotion of racism. The activities of both organizations were declared terrorist and banned in the USA and some other countries.The article analyses religious, philosophical and political routes of the modern ideology of Israeli orthodox nationalists who participate in the settlement movement on the occupied Arab territories as well as the illegal activities of the most famous parties and organizations supporting the policy of the extension of the Israeli jurisdiction over the occupied Arab territories.

The article takes a look at the history and origin of the main Jewish paramilitary organizations in the British Mandate of Palestine (1921–1948). One of the myths often used in Western and Israeli propagandistic literature describes Israel as a very weak state that after obtaining its sovereignty became extremely vulnerable to the heavily armed Arab hordes that invaded it immediately after the declaration of the Israeli State. However, the analysis above shows that the first Arab-Israeli conflict in 1948–1949 was not a battle between young David against the giant Goliath. By the time of the creation of Israel all the Jewish paramilitary organizations operating in Yishuv – "Haganah", "Irgun" and LEHI – united creating the IDF. The national army of the newborn State met all the requirements of its time, was much better equipped, trained, mobilized and armed than the soldiers of all the neighboring Arab countries, which objectively predetermined their crushing defeat.

This article focuses on the legal status of Jerusalem - one of the most complex and debated issues of international law and international politics. Before the establishment of Israel in 1948, over the centuries in the Ottoman period and the years of the British Mandate there was no legally binding bilateral or international treaty that would clearly define the legal status of Jerusalem. However, both the Turkish authorities and the British administration in Palestine preceding from the fact that Jerusalem is the center of three world religions, fully ensured of the rights of believers of all confessions. In accordance with the well-known international instruments of law all Jerusalem should be a special territory of Corpus Separatum, which will be subjected to the international control (UN General Assembly Resolution 181 / II of 29 November 1947). However, in 1980 the Israeli Parliament declared Jerusalem the «eternal and undivided capital» of Israel, including the Arab territories of East Jerusalem occupied in 1967. This law, as well as the Israeli law on the protection of the Holy Places has radically changed the Status quo which existed for centuries. No country in the world recognizes Israel's attempts to change the legal Status of the City. In the present article the following aspects are analyzed: • The Status of the Holy Places in Jerusalem, before the establishment of the British mandate over Palestine in 1922; • The Status of the Holy Places in Jerusalem in accordance with the international law instruments; • The Status of the Holy Places in Jerusalem after the partition of the City on the Israeli and Jordanian enclaves in 1948; • Change of the Status of the Holy Places of Jerusalem after the June 1967 War and the impact of this transformation both on the Arab-Israeli and the Palestinian-Israeli conflicts; • Actions taken by Israel to change the Status of the Temple Mount; • The problem of the Status of Jerusalem in the Palestinian-Israeli Peace Process.

This article studies the influence of religion on political and social processes in Israel. Modern Israel is a complicated multi-ethnic and multi-religious society. Israel is home to over 8 million people and approximately a quarter of its citizens are non-Jews (Muslim Arabs and Christian Arabs, Druze, Bedouins, Circassians and etc.). In spite of the fact that the Israeli system of law provides "the complete equality of social and political rights to all its inhabitants irrespective of religion, race or sex", many Arabs and other non-Jews citizens of the State are not really integrated into Israeli society and do not feel themselves full citizens of the State that seeks to position itself exclusively as a «Jewish State».In addition the tension between Israel's Middle Eastern and European identities is personified in the contradictions between Ashkenazim and Sephardim. There are also religious differences between Jews who identify themselves with the ultra-Orthodox, religious nationalists (so called "Hardelim" - an acronym of two words in Hebrew – "Hared" (ultra-orthodox) and "Leumi" (nationalist)), traditionalists and secular Jews. The article notes that the current «Likud» government supported by the religious parties actually strengthens the tendency to clericalization of Israeli political and social life.The author also makes an attempt to understand and analyze the basic historical, philosophical and religious aspects of the National-Religious trend in Israeli politics. This trend turned into a powerful force after a Jewish religious fanatic Yigal Amir had killed Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin in 1995.The research reveals the forms and methods, aims and objectives of the Israeli official settlement policy, determines the attitude of the religious parties and groups towards the settlement movement and indicates a negative influence of the settlement factor on the Israeli-Palestinian negotiating process and political situation in the Middle East as well.

Die Einleitung berichtet über Inhalt des Buches mit neusten theoretische Erkenntnisse und bietet ein Überblick über die wichtigsten Themen und Problemfelder der Wirtschaftsethik heute. Der erste Teil des Kompendiums stellt aktuelle Forschungen und theoretische Entwicklungen dar. Im zweiten Teil werden aktuelle ethische Auseinandersetzungen im Bereich der europäischen Wirtschaftspraxis analysiert. Der zentrale Teil des Handbuches "Europäische Werte und ethische Anforderungen an die Wirtschaft" beinhaltet Fragen der gesellschaftlichen Entwicklung auf das ethisch bewusste Handeln der Unternehmen sowie verschiedene soziale Aspekte der Wirtschaftsethik. Nationale und regionale Spezifika der Wirtschaftsethik in einzelnen Ländern und Regionen Europas werden im vierten Teil des Kompendiums dargestellt. Neben dem internationalen Vergleich der ethischen Verantwortung der europäischen Unternehmen werden unter anderem Entwicklungen und Spezifika der Wirtschaftsethik in deutschsprachigen Ländern, Frankreich, Polen, baltischen Staaten, Tschechischen und Slowakischen Republiken, sowie Russland, Weißrussland und Ukraine thematisiert. Der abschließende fünfte Teil des Handbuches behandelt konkrete Problemfelder und spezifische Fragen der heute. So werden die gesellschaftliche Wahrnehmung und ethische Herausforderungen vom Marketing, Werbung, Lobbyismus, Öffentlichkeitsarbeit und andere Bereiche der Wirtschaftswissenschaften erörtert. ; Peer Reviewed

The article analyzes the main trends that determine the dynamics of transformation processes and the future of the entire Middle East region. Projected scenarios are examined through the prism of Russian foreign policy and strategic interests.It has become even more evident that the American scheme of the new world order, including the Middle East, is unviable. Strengthening of Islamic radical organizations and expanded range of their activities were connected with the coming to power of the Obama administration. In Iraq, Syria, the former confrontation has entered a new phase and become even more acute. In 2014, «Islamic State» (ISIS) has begun a largescale expansion, as a result of the bloody battles part of the territory of these countries came under the control of the Islamists. The effectiveness of the fight against the ISIS is due to a combination of political, military, economic and social measures. Furthermore, it should be coordinated internationally. The coordination of anti-terrorist activities of Russia with the countries of East and West can bring positive results.Resolving of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has reached a deadlock. The fundamental unwillingness of governments, led by Benjamin Netanyahu, to go to any concessions to the Palestinians eventually led to the predictable surge in violence between the conflicting parties in the autumn of 2015, which many political observers and analysts attributed to the beginning of the third intifada.In the depths of the Arabian monarchies there are complex social and economic processes. In the period of generational change in some GCC countries the problem of succession is quite acute. In the south of the Arabian Peninsula an assessment of the current difficult situation in Yemen suggests that the least painful exit for this country is federalization. In the final part of the article the system lag of the region in economic development is considered as a further challenge to the states of the Middle East.

This article, perhaps for the first time in Russian scientific and historical literature raises the question of the nature and character of the social protest in the Arab Palestinian society. Even before the creation of the State of Israel in 1948, the Arab population of Palestine entered an active stage of forming national consciousness and identity, which was parallel to the development of pan-Arab national liberation movement. Mass demonstrations of Palestinians in 1920, 1929 and 1936-1939 suggest that the main cause of the protest was the colonial policy of Great Britain, expressed in support the Zionist movement and, as a consequence – the impossibility for the leading Palestinian clans to realize their political ambitions. Taking into account the fact that the Palestinians have shown exceptional tenacity and will in the struggle for national independence, the international community has supported the UN decision to create on the territory of mandated Palestine two States – one Arab and one Jewish. However, due to the Arab-Israeli conflict and other well-known geopolitical reasons, the state of Palestine has not been created till now. Today the Palestinians are divided into four segments: refugees living outside of Palestine in other countries, the Arab population of Israel, the Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. In this article the author analyses the situation of the Palestinians on the territory of the historical Palestine and typical forms of protest and discontent in the Palestinian community at present. The article argues that the protest in the Palestinian society, as in the past, has a distinct anti-Israel and anti-Zionist orientation.

More than 50 years the European Union member states (the European Economic Community up to 1993) maintain a special relations with Israel particularly in the trade sphere. Only in 2014 the export of Israeli products to Europe increased by 3%, amounting in absolute terms to a third of total exports of Israel. At the same time, the position of the EU with regard to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict is clearly contrary to the real character of the mutual economic, scientific and technical cooperation. After the failure in 2001 of the Palestinian-Israeli negotiations aimed to reach a «Final-Status Agreement» in accordance with the Oslo Accords, the European Union made several attempts to limit the European market penetration of the Israeli products originating from the occupied territories (the West Bank, Gaza Strip, East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights). However, as can be seen from the contents of the article, there is no consensus between the EU member states with regard to the Israeli settlement policy. The study argues that all the decisions made so far in the European Union to limit Israeli export or reduce crediting of programs for scientific and technical cooperation used to be of declarative or vague character.

A huge wave of mass protests for the last years has lead to a collapse of many longstanding traditional regimes in some Arab states (Egypt, Tunisia, Libya and Yemen). In other states (Syria, Bahrain, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Algeria and Morocco) a serious aggravation of political situation occurred. Many experts in Russia as well as abroad share an opinion that the phenomenon of the "Arab revolution" or the so cold "Arab Spring" has the same basic pattern: after the beginning of unrest in North Africa and the Middle East the Islamist political parties, organizations and groups are gaining strength, popularity and influence. The main content of the article is focused on the analysis of religious, political, socio-economic and other aspects of the contemporary ideology and practice of the radical Islam, its threats and challenges. The current situation in the region has favored the creation of a new political alliance in the Greater Middle East. Now the US administration's policy in the Middle East is aimed at the advancement of the of the radical Islam front to Iran, North Caucasus region and Central Asia. This policy corresponds to the global strategic interests of the U.S. regional partners including Petro-Islamic States, Turkey and even Israel. Analyzing the situation around Syria the author notes that the steps undertaken by the members of the new regional alliance to eliminate B. Assad - another victim of the "Arab Spring" – can, first of all, aggravate an extremely unstable situation in Syria, and, secondly, create a real perspective of the radical Islam advancement right up to the borders of the Russian Federation.

Die Frage, ob Wirtschaftsbeziehungen, Arbeitsbedingungen, Management oder Konkurrenzverhalten sozialverträglicher geworden sind, bleibt bis zur Gegenwart umstritten. Unterdessen zeigt sich allerdings in veränderten Richtungen der Theorie und Praxis des Managements ein nicht zu übersehender Trend, der im Titel dieses Sammelbandes als soziale Sensibilisierung des Business thematisiert ist. Unter sozialer Sensibilisierung des Business ist daher in einer ersten Näherung eine permanente Aufmerksamkeit der Wirtschaftsakteure in Bezug auf die gesellschaftlichen Anforderungen zu verstehen, die durch Entwicklung und Durchführung von solchen Management-Konzepten realisiert werden können, die es ermöglichen optimal auf die Ansprüche und Erwartungen der Gesellschaft zu reagieren, ihre Interessen zu berücksichtigen und zugleich entsprechende Praktiken zu entwickeln und anzuwenden, um die Effizienz und Nachhaltigkeit des eigenen Unternehmens zu erhöhen. Die These der sozialen Sensibilisierung des Business beinhaltet dabei einen vielfältigen Diskussionskomplex und Lösungsperspektiven um mehrere zentrale Fragen. Auf der Ebene der Politökonomie ist etwa zu fragen, ob solche Sensibilisierung ein Merkmal unserer Zeit ist und welche wirtschaftlichen und soziopolitischen Bedingungen und Voraussetzungen dafür zu erfüllen sind. Auf der unternehmerischen Ebene sowie im Hinblick auf die Entwicklung der Managementtheorie gilt es zu fragen, ob es überhaupt als möglich erscheint, verschiedene soziale Praktiken und Fachdisziplinen der Unternehmen zusammenzuschließen und gegeneinander abzuwägen, wenn es in den Bereichen keine allgemein anerkannten Konzepte und Definitionen gibt. ; Trends in social sensitization of business are determined and examined by analyzing the socio-economic sciences and the modern economic activity. Such disciplines as public relations, corporate governance, corporate identity, reputation management, management of sustainable development and corporate social responsibility are considered in a particular system, showing the increasing dependence of business on public opinion and public expectations. Social sensitization in the business means a permanent focus of the economic subjects of economic activity to the needs of society, arriving at finding and implementing such management concepts that would enable a response to expectations in the optimum way, to respect interests and at the same time to use the appropriate practices to increase the efficiency and sustainability of entrepreneurial activity (p. 422). The author shows the new possibilities of using the model of social sensitization of business in scientific, educational and economic activities. ; В статье сформулирована концепция социальной сенсибилизации бизнеса. Под социальной сенсибилизацией бизнеса понимается перманентное внимание субъектов экономики к запросам общества, выражающееся в поиске и реализации таких управленческих концепций, которые позволяли бы оптимально реагировать на ожидания общества, учитывать его интересы и одновременно использовать соответствующую практику для увеличения эффективности и устойчивости собственной предпринимательской деятельности. ; Peer Reviewed