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In the article the author considers the problem of using art as the political power instrument. The subject of the study is the analysis of applied arts possibilities as a means of political propaganda and agitation, the necessary qualities and political views formation in a person. The material for the analysis is the Soviet propaganda porcelain of the 1920s. The choice of this material is caused, firstly, by its great visibility in the framework of the discussed problem, and, secondly, by the negative result of its use in real politics (at first sight, paradoxical). At present, Soviet propaganda porcelain is considered to be a "unique phenomenon" of Russian and world art. However, the main reason for its appearance at the beginning of the 20th century was not the search for new art forms. After coming to power in 1917, the Bolshevists faced the need to form political views of the citizens that were compatible with the party course — in general, to form a "new man" capable of living in a new society. On the one hand, porcelain was a random choice at that period of time (1920-s) but, on the other hand, people assigned specific characteristics to it as a type of applied art. And, therefore, they ascribed to it the possibilities of an instrument of political power. But at the same time using it in that capacity is greatly limited due to other specific properties, as well as due to other historical circumstances. The main reason for the failure of Soviet propaganda porcelain as the political propaganda and agitation means is the contradiction between the course of political power and the essence of porcelain as a phenomenon, i.e. inconsistency between the goal and the means to achieve it. In general, the author draws a conclusion that there is a difference between the goals of art and power and, as a consequence, the groundlessness of the power attempts to consider art exclusively as its own tool.

In dem Beitrag wird die Entwicklung der industriellen Beziehungen im Kohlebergbau in Belgien nachgezeichnet und analysiert. Zunächst wird beschrieben, daß in Belgien schon seit dem 13. Jahrhundert Kohle gefördert wird und daß soziale und ökonomische Ursachen zu einer raschen Modernisierung der Förderung im 19. Jahrhundert führten. Die industriellen Beziehungen werden als ein Spiel mit drei Hauptbeteiligten dargestellt: den Arbeitgebern, die ihre Strategie und Taktik mit ihren Gestehungskosten und den Unwägbarkeiten der Konkurrenz rechtfertigen; den Arbeitern, die als Ziel sowohl den Erhalt und die Reproduktion ihrer Arbeitskraft als auch die Einhaltung zufriedenstellender Arbeitsbedingungen verfolgen; dem Staat, der immer dann eingreift, wenn es um die Aufrechterhaltung oder Wiederherstellung der Ordnung im Revier geht. Die wirtschaftlichen Bedingungen des Kohlebergbaus werden untersucht. Dazu zählen: die Eigentumsstrukturen, die Produktion, die Arbeitskräfte, die Produktivität, der Markt. Das Verhalten des Staates zwischen 1886 und 1919 wird durch eine Veränderung auf sozialem Gebiet gekennzeichnet. Für die Zeit zwischen den beiden Weltkriegen wird festgestellt, daß sich die gegenwärtigen Formen der industriellen Beziehungen entwickeln und institutionalisieren. Vor allem Streiks bekommen ihre besondere Bedeutung im Rahmen von Tarifverhandlungen. Für die Zeit nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg wird in den industriellen Beziehungen eine Schwächung der Gewerkschaften zugunsten des Staates festgestellt. Es beginnt eine Politik der industriellen Beziehungen innerhalb der Unternehmen. (ICA)

The Center for Spatial Research (CSR) is undertaking a multiyear project investigating what we have termed Conflict Urbanism. The term designates not simply the conflicts that take place in cities, but also conflict as a structuring principle of cities intrinsically, as a way of inhabiting and creating urban space. The increasing urbanization of warfare and the policing and surveillance of everyday life are examples of the term (Graham, 2010; Misselwitz & Rieniets, 2006; Weizman, 2014), but conflict is not limited to war and violence. Cities are not only destroyed but also built through conflict. They have long been arenas of friction, difference, and dissidence, and their irreducibly conflictual character manifests itself in everything from neighborhood borders, to differences of opinion and status, to ordinary encounters on the street. One major way in which CSR undertakes research is through interrogating the world of 'big data.' This includes analyzing newly accessible troves of 'urban data,' working to open up new areas of research and inquiry, as well as focusing on data literacy as an essential part of communicating with these new forms of urban information. In what follows we discuss two projects currently under way at CSR that use mapping and data visualization to explore and analyze Conflict Urbanism in two different contexts: the city of Aleppo, and the nation of Colombia.