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The article analyzes the modern ideological positions of the organization "Islamic Jihad in Palestine", focusing on the relationship between nationalist and Islamist elements. The relevance of the topic is underscored by the major escalation of the situation in Palestine in 2023–2024, the increased role of radical Islamist movements in the Palestinian political field, and the peculiarities of the transformation of modern Islamism, in which the global religious and political project is intricately intertwined with nationalist ideas. Methodologically, the study is based on the method of close reading and Neomodernist analysis of political strategies developed by the author. The main source for this study is the organization‟s "Policy Document" published in 2018. The article examines the document‟s preamble, the identity of the organization as described in it, its view of the past and present of Palestine and the Palestinians, the image of the enemy and approaches to confronting it, the role of external actors, and international aspects of resolving the Palestinian issue. Following a detailed analysis of the document, the author identifies the main features of Islamic Jihad‟s ideology and explores how they are connected with the ideological quests of the Arab nationalists. Finally, the author examines the basic narrative of Islamic Jihad, highlighting its underlying Islamist, conservative, and leftist elements.

The article examines Russian-Turkish engagement in the context of resolving the conflict in Syria. The interests of both countries in the SAR, the goals that the states intend to achieve and the existing obstacles were analyzed. Proposals were formulated to bring Russian-Turkish cooperation in the Syrian track to a more positive level.

By the time Donald Trump came to the White House, the American political elites and expert community had developed a consensual perception that China's strategy was aimed at challenging the U.S. dominance and threatening its national interests. The United States Strategic Approach to the People's Republic of China, adopted by the Trump Republican Administration but reflecting a bipartisan position, marked the most dramatic shift in policy towards China since Richard Nixon. The main change was the recognition of the competitive nature of the U.S. – China relations, which resulted in the development and subsequent implementation of a competitive approach to relations with the PRC. This approach is largely based on the experience and theoretical concepts developed during confrontation with the Soviet Union but there are significant differences primarily due to the limitations imposed by interdependence of the American and Chinese economies, which did not exist between the U.S. and the USSR. The first part of the article reveals the concept and principles of the competitive approach, a commitment to which has been reiterated by the Biden administration. It is stated that such approach aims at forcing the PRC to change its strategy that threatens American interests. This goal is achieved by applying a complex pressure on the military and strategic, socioeconomic and politico-ideological strands through implementation of four types of competitive strategies identified by the U.S. expert community: strategies of denial, "cost-imposing" strategies, attacking the enemy's strategy, and attacking the adversary's political system. Their implementation is illustrated predominantly in the cases of the American–Soviet confrontation. Using the active "burden-shifting" strategy as an example, the second (practical) part of the study offers the most recent evidence of the "cost-imposing" strategy based on the principle of exploiting an enemy's vulnerabilities in the most efficient way. It demonstrates how Washington's approach to Afghanistan was transformed within such a strategy. The reasons for the formation, development process and the main ideas of the strategy are described in detail. It is acknowledged that the close-out of the U.S. – led security mission in Afghanistan was largely driven by the intention to shift the responsibility for the security in the region to the PRC. It is stated that there are no guaranteed tools for the Chinese leadership to counter the U.S. competitive approach, and the PRC is not enough prepared for a full-scale contest with the United States. The study concludes that it would be better for Beijing to delay transition to open competition in the bilateral relations.