Suchergebnisse

Investigates the influence of liberal control as a mobilizing force in contemporary US elections, testing specifically whether the more liberal & competitive state Democratic parties are better able to mobilize lower-class voters & whether the relationship is stronger in off-year as opposed to presidential elections. Analysis of pooled time-series & cross-sectional data of voter turn-out by social class, state, & year (1978-1990) provides strong support for the hypothesized relationship between political parties & class mobilization: the lower classes are indeed more responsive to liberal & competive parties, & the mobilizing effects of liberal party control are greatest for voters of lowest social status. These effects occur in presidential election years, however, rather than in off years. 4 Tables, 41 References. Adapted from the source document.

SCHOLARLY EXPLANATIONS FOR COMPARATIVELY LOW U.S. VOTER TURNOUT TYPICALLY POINT TO THE WEAKNESS OF MOBILIZING INSTITUTIONS, RESTRICTIVE REGISTRATION LAWS AND THE CHARACTER OF THE ELECTION CALENDAR. THESE SAME FACTORS ARE ASSUMED TO ACCOUNT FOR THE DISPROPORTIONATE REPRESENTATION OF UPPER=CLASS INDIVIDUALS IN UNITED STATES ELECTORATES. FURTHERMORE, IT IS ASSUMED THAT HIGH TURNOUT GENERALLY ENHANCES CLASS REPRESENTATION. THE AUTHORS DEMONSTRATE THAT TURNOUT IS RELATED TO CLASS REPRESENTATION ONLY UNDER CERTAIN CONDITIONS AND SHOW THAT THE CAUSES OF CLASS REPRESENTATION DIFFER FROM THOSE OF VOTER TURNOUT. USING AGGREGATE DATA ON TURNOUT AND CLASS REPRESENTATION IN STATE ELECTORATES, THEY FIND THAT MOBILIZING INSTITUTIONS HAVE MODEST EFFECTS ON CLASS REPRESENTATION. CONTRARY TO TYPICAL ASSUMPTIONS ABOUT THE EFFECTS ON MOBILIZING INSTITUTIONS, CLASS REPRESENTATION IN U.S. STATE ELECTORATE IS LARGELY DETERMINED BY THE SOCIOECONOMIC ATTRIBUTES (MOST NOTABLY, INCOME AND ETHNIC DIVERSITY) OF THE STATE'S POPULATION.

US Census Bureau data for 1984 & 1986 elections are used to test the proposition that an electorate disproportionately representative of higher-class citizens will be rewarded with public policies in favor of its economic interests at the expense of those of lower-class citizens. Analysis reveals a consistent negative relationship between the degree of class bias favoring the upper class & the generosity of indigenous state social welfare spending. This relationship is principally explained by underrepresentation of the poor rather than the overrepresentation of the wealthy. Implications for democratic theory generally & for present-day concern about the composition of the US electorate are discussed. 4 Tables, 41 References. Adapted from the source document.