Suchergebnisse

In 2018, the U.S. Supreme Court adopted a "right-to-work" (RTW) legal regime for the entire government workforce (Janus v. AFSCME). While many predict lower union membership, few have considered howJanuswill challenge the overall cost-sharing strategy that unions use to ensure their affiliates' organizational maintenance and survival. Using the National Education Association (NEA) as our empirical example, we develop and test a theory we call "financial solidarity," which posits that union organizational maintenance hinges on the transfer of resources from affiliates in strong labor states to those in weaker labor states. We demonstrate that this system is in effect by showing that most NEA revenue originates from dues and fees paid by teachers in strong labor states and then by examining the causal effect of labor law retrenchment on affiliates' reliance on their national union between 2005–2018. We find that the NEA transfers an additional $6–10 per member and is significantly more likely to make a political contribution in an affiliate's state in the aftermath of retrenchment. These findings highlight that unions are maintained on an organizational model that relies on a balance of strong and weak state labor laws. By upending that equilibrium,Janusthreatens to undermine the power of labor in American politics.

AbstractMany public services in the United States are administered through non‐state actors, many of which are nonprofits with broad social missions. Some scholars show that contracting these organizations can compromise their broader goals and political activities, while others find that such arrangements empower the organizations to engage in advocacy and influence policy. We argue that not only can contracting strengthen nonprofits' capacities to engage in politics and advance their missions, but it can mobilize political activity among those working for and engaging with the nonprofits. We use the case of Teach For America (TFA) and an instrumental variable approach that leverages plausibly exogenous variation in the timing of TFA's arrival in states to show that contracting TFA is related with the arrival of new education reform advocacy groups spearheaded by TFA alumni. This, in addition to TFA's direct efforts, leads to the passage of reform policies—especially charter school laws.

Recent media attention on human rights abuses in the fishing sector, precipitated by undercover investigations from nongovernmental organizations and investigative journalists (e.g., Environmental Justice Foundation [EJF] 2014, 2015a, 2015b; Mendoza, McDowell, Mason, and Htusan 2016), has prompted calls from the scientific community for increased transdisciplinary and empirical research of fisheries' social dimensions, such as labor (Kittinger et al. 2017). Given views that social and ecological systems are interdependent (Ostrom 2009), the need for theory development to explicate pathways for how this interdependence occurs and the potential for using policy and practices for intervention and prevention exist. Integrating ecological data and economics and human rights theory, Brashares and colleagues' (2014) wildlife decline and social conflict framework offered a hypothesis about the negative association between fish stock declines and child slavery. Yet, more precision in terminology, pathways, and feedbacks may be warranted. With the aim of exploring empirical, conceptual, and theoretical support for Brashares et al.'s (2014) pathways, the revised theory developed in this article posits how forced labor slavery and environmental decline in marine fisheries may be linked.

Voters often rely on informational shortcuts, such as the background traits of politicians, to decide which candidates to support at the ballot box. One such background trait is family composition, particularly parental status. Research, however, has mostly overlooked whether the value-laden choices that politicians make regarding their families—like what neighborhoods they live in, where they worship, and what schools they send their children to—affect how constituents view them. We conduct a survey experiment in the U.S. that presents respondents with hypothetical biographies of politicians that randomly vary one of the most important decisions that politicians make regarding their families: whether to send them to public or private school. We find that: (1) voters are more inclined to vote for politicians with children in public school; and (2) this preference may be due to voters perceiving these politicians as both warmer and more committed to public services.

In 2012, the New York City Board of Health prohibited restaurants from selling sugary drinks in containers that would hold more than 16 oz. Although a state court ruled that the Board of Health did not have the authority to implement such a policy, it remains a legally viable option for governments and a voluntary option for restaurants. However, there is very limited empirical data on how such a policy might affect the purchasing and consumption of sugary drinks. We report four well-powered, incentive-compatible experiments in which we evaluated two possible ways that restaurants might comply with such a policy: bundling (i.e., dividing the contents of oversized cups into two regulation-size cups) and providing free refills (i.e., offering a regulation-size cup with unlimited refills). Bundling caused people to buy less soda. Free refills increased consumption, especially when a waiter served the refills. This perverse effect was reduced in self-service contexts that required walking just a few steps to get a refill.

Clinical Handbook of Complex and Atypical Eating Disorders brings together into one comprehensive resource what is known about an array of complicating factors for patients with ED, serving as an accessible introduction to each of the comorbidities and symptom presentations highlighted in the volume