Suchergebnisse

Violence in Latin America and the Caribbean is no longer perpetrated primarily by states against their citizens, but by a variety of state and non-state actors struggling to control resources, territories, and populations. This book examines violence at the subnational level to illuminate how practices of violence are embedded within subnational configurations of space and clientelistic networks. In societies shaped by centuries of violence and exclusion, inequality and marginalization prevail at the same time that democratization and neoliberalism have decentralized power to regional and local levels, where democratic and authoritarian practices coexist. Within subnational arenas, unique configurations - of historical legacies, economic structures, identities, institutions, actors, and clientelistic networks - result in particular patterns of violence and vulnerability that are often strikingly different from what is portrayed by aggregate national-level statistics. The chapters of this book examine critical cases from across the region, drawing on new primary data collected in the field to analyze how a range of political actors and institutions shape people's lives and to connect structural and physical forms of violence

This article reviews the shifting practices of control along the border New York–Vermont bor-der in the United States and Quebec in Canada during and since the election of the Trump admin-istration in the United States. The authors argue that this period saw an increase in detention, deportation and securitization on both sides of the border, despite the differences in the politi-cal orientations of the Canadian and U.S. governments. Drawing on recent developments in border theory, the article explores the ways in which the northern U.S. border has become increasingly politicized and securitized. The Trump administration's anti-migrant policies led to a rapid increase in the numbers of asylum seekers crossing the Canada-U.S. border into Quebec in an irregular fashion at Roxham Road in northern New York state. The intense political re-sponse to this situation in Canada and especially Quebec eventually resulted in the renegotia-tion of the Safe Third Country Agreement between the two countries. In the same period, in the northern United States, there was an increase in surveillance and targeting of migrants through the enforcement of international checkpoints 100 miles south of the territorial border. The arti-cle demonstrates how both states attempted to contain the movements of "undesirables," thus restricting the mobility of certain individuals.

This article examines the lessons that can be drawn from social protection programs in Mexico at both the national and sub-national scales for the Social Protection Floor (SPF) initiative for the implementation of the Global Social Floor proposal in Mexico. Mexico's federal anti-poverty program, Progresa/Oportunidades, was a pioneer in the application of a social investment paradigm to the provision of social benefits to the extreme poor, and the targeting of benefits. At the same time, the left-leaning Partido de la Revolución Democrática (PRD) governments of the Federal District have introduced an ambitious new series of social programs at the municipal scale. PRD governments have directly criticized the targeting and surveillance involved in the Oportunidades program. Instead, the PRD has advocated more universalistic approaches to social policy, based on principles of social rights. This article examines the areas of congruence and dissonance between these Mexican innovations in social policy and the SPF initiative.

Cet article examine les répercussions des politiques multidimensionnelles des mesures anti-pauvreté mexicaines sur le processus de démocratisation à long terme. La mesure anti-pauvreté fédéraleProgresa / Oportunidadesa été conçue pour éliminer les pratiques clientélistes traditionnelles. Même si plusieurs pratiques électoralistes flagrantes ont été éliminées des programmes de lutte contre la pauvreté, la continuation des approches descendantes en matière de conception de programmes et de stratégies de mise en oeuvre s'est soldée par l'émergence du semi-clientélisme. Cet article soutient que les acteurs politiques des municipalités et de l'État ont réagi à ces mesures fédérales de façons qui contribueront peut-être à promouvoir une démocratie plus profonde et qui ont mené à la reconstitution du semi-clientélisme. Le texte puise dans les récentes approches révisionnistes du clientélisme politique et propose une approche multidimensionnelle empruntée à la géographie politique. En se basant sur cette approche théorique, l'article examine le rôle des autorités de l'État et des municipalités en ce qui concerne les prestations anti-pauvreté fédérales dans le cadre du programme de subventions conditionnelles en espècesOportunidades.