Iris Marion Young was a fighter for justice and against oppression. A strong commitment, a commitment there as long as any of us had known her, fueled her writing and her activism. Her feminism was part of that commitment to justice. Her attention and sensitivity to the oppression of others was informed by an acute eye to the ways she herself—and all women—have to face the threats of economic exploitation, social marginalization, powerlessness, cultural hegemony, and systematic violence.
A prevalent recent response to dissatisfaction with democracy has been to try to "tighten the reins" by increasing voters' control of representatives through the electoral connection & elected representatives' control of bureaucrats, positing election as the only source of democratic authority. Yet the electoral connection is a weak reed for democracy: electoral campaigns are poor sources of information, distort information, & sometimes create perverse incentives for politicians. In addition, one frequently practiced & normatively justifiable form of representation, the "gyroscopic", does not respond in the expected manner to the threat of nonelection or non-reelection. The gyroscopic representative's form of accountability is narrative & deliberative, prompted by non-electoral incentives. Responding to the problems in the electoral system, I suggest heuristically various non-electoral mechanisms to generate deliberative accountability, increase government responsiveness, reduce the democratic deficit, & enhance the representative process. These non-electoral mechanisms are intended to supplement relations based on control through threat of sanction with relations of mutual communication & education. 43 References. Adapted from the source document.
"Im gegenwärtigen Diskurs über die Reformbedürftigkeit demokratischer Systeme wird versucht, der Unzufriedenheit der BürgerInnen mit Vorschlägen zur stärkeren Kontrolle der RepräsentantInnen zu begegnen. Dies soll auf der einen Seite durch eine Betonung der elektoralen Verbindung, auf der anderen Seite durch eine bessere Kontrolle der Bürokratie durch die gewählten RepräsentantInnen erfolgen. Die Überbetonung der Wahl stößt jedoch auf Schwierigkeiten: Wahlen können Quelle von Desinformation und Auslöser für populistische Politik sein, deren einziges Ziel der Wahlerfolg ist. Darüber hinaus ist im verbreiteten Modell der 'gyroskopischen' Repräsentation die Verweigerung der Wahlunterstützung eine leere Drohung. Vielmehr muss eine Form der 'narrativen' und deliberativen Accountability und eine Betonung der non-elektoralen Mechanismen angewandt werden, um die Responsivität des politischen Systems zu erhöhen und das demokratische Defizit zu verringern. Kommunikation und politische Bildung werden als Ergänzungen elektoraler Kontrolle präsentiert." (Autorenreferat)
'Im gegenwärtigen Diskurs über die Reformbedürftigkeit demokratischer Systeme wird versucht, der Unzufriedenheit der BürgerInnen mit Vorschlägen zur stärkeren Kontrolle der RepräsentantInnen zu begegnen. Dies soll auf der einen Seite durch eine Betonung der elektoralen Verbindung, auf der anderen Seite durch eine bessere Kontrolle der Bürokratie durch die gewählten RepräsentantInnen erfolgen. Die Überbetonung der Wahl stößt jedoch auf Schwierigkeiten: Wahlen können Quelle von Desinformation und Auslöser für populistische Politik sein, deren einziges Ziel der Wahlerfolg ist. Darüber hinaus ist im verbreiteten Modell der 'gyroskopischen' Repräsentation die Verweigerung der Wahlunterstützung eine leere Drohung. Vielmehr muss eine Form der 'narrativen' und deliberativen Accountability und eine Betonung der non-elektoralen Mechanismen angewandt werden, um die Responsivität des politischen Systems zu erhöhen und das demokratische Defizit zu verringern. Kommunikation und politische Bildung werden als Ergänzungen elektoraler Kontrolle präsentiert.' (Autorenreferat)
Along with the traditional "promissory" form of representation, empirical political scientists have recently analyzed several new forms, called here "anticipatory," "gyroscopic," and "surrogate" representation. None of these more recently recognized forms meets the criteria for democratic accountability developed for promissory representation, yet each generates a set of normative criteria by which it can be judged. These criteria are systemic, in contrast to the dyadic criteria appropriate for promissory representation. They are deliberative rather than aggregative. They are plural rather than singular.
Contends that oppositional consciousness extends along a loosely structured continuum that encompasses varied dimensions at different points along the path. Stages of the recognition process include realizing that one's group is different from others; groups are not equal; the inequalities are unjust; members of one's group have a common interest in ending the injustices; & collective action is the most viable route to reducing or eliminating the injustices. A distinction is made between these stages of recognition & states of warmth, identification, opposition, & anger that can occur at almost any point along the continuum. Although the creation of oppositional consciousness is founded on the basic recognition of injustice, it is argued that a broader, more "mature," oppositional consciousness encompasses other components such as pinpointing how dominant groups use power to maintain their position; morally condemning all forms of domination; & developing strategies for dealing with systems of domination. The use of historical, culturally derived, or borrowed tactics are examined. J. Lindroth
An introductory chapter examines the principles, ideas, & emotions involved in "oppositional consciousness," defined as the claiming of a positive identification by groups previously seen as having subordinate or deviant identities. It is maintained that oppositional consciousness is an intermediate variable that seriously impacts the dynamics of social movements. Although it usually is a positive influence, oppositional consciousness can sometimes have a negative effect on social movements, especially in terms of exaggerating differences. The meanings of group subordination, oppression, & consciousness are discussed, along with the complex patterns of negotiation, struggle, harmony/dissension, borrowing, & artfulness that characterize the formation of oppositional consciousness. It is noted that the contributors analyze oppositional consciousness within such diverse groups as African Americans, people with disabilities, sexually harassed women, Chicano workers, & gays/lesbians to reveal common structural similarities among them based on their subordinate positions in a system of domination. Ways cultural forms/institutions can be appropriated & transformed to create oppositional consciousness are explored. A brief synopsis of each study is included. J. Lindroth
Contends that oppositional consciousness extends along a loosely structured continuum that encompasses varied dimensions at different points along the path. Stages of the recognition process include realizing that one's group is different from others; groups are not equal; the inequalities are unjust; members of one's group have a common interest in ending the injustices; & collective action is the most viable route to reducing or eliminating the injustices. A distinction is made between these stages of recognition & states of warmth, identification, opposition, & anger that can occur at almost any point along the continuum. Although the creation of oppositional consciousness is founded on the basic recognition of injustice, it is argued that a broader, more "mature," oppositional consciousness encompasses other components such as pinpointing how dominant groups use power to maintain their position; morally condemning all forms of domination; & developing strategies for dealing with systems of domination. The use of historical, culturally derived, or borrowed tactics are examined. J. Lindroth
An introductory chapter examines the principles, ideas, & emotions involved in "oppositional consciousness," defined as the claiming of a positive identification by groups previously seen as having subordinate or deviant identities. It is maintained that oppositional consciousness is an intermediate variable that seriously impacts the dynamics of social movements. Although it usually is a positive influence, oppositional consciousness can sometimes have a negative effect on social movements, especially in terms of exaggerating differences. The meanings of group subordination, oppression, & consciousness are discussed, along with the complex patterns of negotiation, struggle, harmony/dissension, borrowing, & artfulness that characterize the formation of oppositional consciousness. It is noted that the contributors analyze oppositional consciousness within such diverse groups as African Americans, people with disabilities, sexually harassed women, Chicano workers, & gays/lesbians to reveal common structural similarities among them based on their subordinate positions in a system of domination. Ways cultural forms/institutions can be appropriated & transformed to create oppositional consciousness are explored. A brief synopsis of each study is included. J. Lindroth
