Suchergebnisse

This article describes the types of goods and services purchased by Bloc Québécois, Conservative, Green, Liberal and NDP candidates in the 2006 Canadian federal election campaign. Observations are made on thousands of spending declarations included in election returns filed with Elections Canada, such as newspaper advertising, signs, telemarketing, and even windshield repair. Particular attention is paid to types of communications suppliers, party centralization, and winter electioneering while trends are identified in media, technology, labour, professionalization, and political finance. The result is a descriptive summary of a wide variety of promotional and administrative functions which can supplement other studies of constituency campaigning.

On the surface, there was nothing special about the 2007 Newfoundland and Labrador general election, which saw Danny Williams re-elected for a second term as Premier. That his Progressive Conservatives would win a solid majority was never in doubt. There were no emerging issues, major gaffes or innovative campaign tactics, and few tight races. The de facto referendum on Williams' leadership became a coronation. As Mackinnon (2007: 1) wrote about the Prince Edward Island election held five months earlier, "some campaigns are over before they begin." In this case the only intrigue was how many Liberal or New Democratic Party candidates would form the opposition.
However the results do illustrate that a relatively homogenous electorate can rally around a leader who decries the province's status in the Canadian federation. Furthermore, when elected officials from all major parties have been implicated in a scandal, many electors respond by not participating in politics. Political scientists can therefore draw comparative insights, such as asymmetrical federalism reminiscent of Quebec Premier Jean Lesage in the early 1960s, political scandal similar to the Grant Devine administration of Saskatchewan in the early 1990s, or about civic engagement generally.

On the surface, there was nothing special about the 2007 Newfoundland and Labrador general election, which saw Danny Williams re-elected for a second term as Premier. That his Progressive Conservatives would win a solid majority was never in doubt. There were no emerging issues, major gaffes or innovative campaign tactics, and few tight races. The de facto referendum on Williams' leadership became a coronation. As Mackinnon (2007: 1) wrote about the Prince Edward Island election held five months earlier, "some campaigns are over before they begin." In this case the only intrigue was how many Liberal or New Democratic Party candidates would form the opposition. However the results do illustrate that a relatively homogenous electorate can rally around a leader who decries the province's status in the Canadian federation. Furthermore, when elected officials from all major parties have been implicated in a scandal, many electors respond by not participating in politics. Political scientists can therefore draw comparative insights, such as asymmetrical federalism reminiscent of Quebec Premier Jean Lesage in the early 1960s, political scandal similar to the Grant Devine administration of Saskatchewan in the early 1990s, or about civic engagement generally.

In 2006 Newfoundland and Labrador was rocked by news of a spending scandal in the provincial legislature. Dozens of Members of the House of Assembly (MHAs)—sitting, retired, leaders, ministers, critics, backbenchers—from all three political parties had spent money in a dubious manner for more than a decade. This article looks at the details of the scandal and the subsequent reforms outlined by a special commission. It concludes that while confidence in the Office of the Auditor General and the current Premier increased, the public's trust in politicians and government was seriously eroded.

AbstractThis paper examines three common political expressions and ideas from a marketing perspective. First, the origins of the 'selling candidates like soap' expression are traced and it is argued that, rather than being 'sold' like a product, candidates are instead 'marketed' like a service provider such as a real estate agent. Traditional campaign rituals have a legitimate marketing function if electors, and not just political actors, are meaningfully incorporated and military analogies in elections have increasing relevance given the classic military strategy used by commercial marketers. Together, these examples suggest that the application of marketing to politics may require the rethinking of ingrained electoral jargon and concepts. Copyright © 2003 Henry Stewart Publications

Machine generated contents note:1.Party Discipline in Canada --2.Representation --3.Partisan Teams --4.The Communications Arena --5.Message Discipline --6.Government Centralization --7.Parliamentary Caucuses --8.Caucus Research Bureaus --9.Legislative Assemblies --10.Managing Trouble --11.The SNC-Lavalin Affair --12.Advice for a New Parliamentarian.