Suchergebnisse

The government of Catalonia has developed a planning framework that seeks to establish the provision of cultural facilities throughout the country. The Cultural Facilities Plan of Catalonia (PECCAT) is based on an analysis of historical gaps and establishes a minimum spatial scheme. The plan responds to problems associated with the absence of a former similar instrument, which has led to an inconsistent and inappropriate cultural infrastructure that fails to fulfill its fundamental mission of securing the cultural rights of the population. The paper sets forth the aims of this policy and describes the objectives and basic characteristics of the plan and the expected outcomes. With the plan, the government of Catalonia seeks to rebalance the infrastructure within the territory and to ensure universal access to basic cultural services, while avoiding a logic of standardization and taking local communities into account. With the development of local plans in the municipalities, local governments encourage community participation processes to adapt and decide on priorities for action based on needs assessments and cultural opportunities for local sustainable development. The local plans focus on local cultural strengths, take advantage of opportunities, and aim to realize the cultural dynamics of a place through establishing an infrastructure that can best respond to the needs and cultural demands of the local communities, taking into account economic, social, and environmental sustainability.

La hipótesis de la compensación sostiene que los ciudadanos demandan a sus gobiernos gastos en seguridad social que les protejan de la volatilidad económica introducida por la globalización. Es más, algunos autores afirman que el apoyo popular a la globalización depende del mantenimiento o incluso extensión del Estado de Bienestar. La explicación reside en que si los ciudadanos observan que la integración económica perjudica a los sistemas de protección social, se opondrán a la globalización. Aquí mostramos que existe una relación positiva entre gastos en seguridad social y apoyo al libre comercio. Otros factores que afectan igualmente a la opinión sobre el libre comercio son: la educación, la dotación de capital humano de cada país, la edad, el género, la ocupación y el área de residencia. Una vez descontados todos estos efectos, la correlación entre gastos sociales y el apoyo al libre comercio de cada país es aún más robusta. Los resultados indican que las resistencias a la globalización se pueden vencer mediante el mantenimiento del Estado de Bienestar. Los ciudadanos parecen estar dispuestos a que se intensifique la globalización si, a cambio, reciben una compensación que les proteja de la mayor volatilidad económica, sobre todo de inseguridad en el trabajo, que este proceso conlleva.

"Barcelona" is the second book in Polity's exciting new "Cities in World History" series, which provides the general reader and traveller with historically informed companions to the world's greatest cities. These new books bridge the gap between guide and history by offering concise and accessible accounts written by some of the world's leading historians. Barcelona has existed as a settlement for two millennia. Greeks, Phoenicians, Carthaginians, Romans, Visigoths, Arabs and Franks shaped (and sometimes destroyed) the city before it achieved, in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, global power as a trading metropolis and capital of the Aragonese-Catalan Empire. After a long period of struggle with the unifying Spanish state in the early modern period, the city revived in the 18th and 19th centuries as an industrial and commercial powerhouse. It became a centre of culture, ornamented by modern planning and wondrous works by Gaudi, Picasso, Miro and others. At the same time, Barcelona became known as the rose of fire : home to revolutionaries and anarchists. Creativity and conflict continued to shape Barcelona in the 20th century, as its citizens faced the Spanish Republic, Civil War and Franco's dictatorship before the large-scale revitalisation of the city following the 1992 Olympics. As McDonogh and Martínez-Rigol link complex social and cultural currents to the rich architectural and experiential heritage of this multi-layered city, modern-day Barcelona reveals depths and surprises to visitors and residents alike"--

En este artículo nos preguntamos si los políticos durante la campaña electoral reducen la incertidumbre de los votantes. Entendemos la incertidumbre del votante como la desviación típica de la ubicación ideológica que otorgan los ciudadanos a los partidos políticos. Para comprobar la hipótesis, que los políticos reducen la incertidumbre en campaña electoral, utilizamos la encuesta panel del año 2000 del CIS. Los resultados corroboran la hipótesis.

AbstractDespite decades of research, there is no consensus as to the core correlates of national-level voter turnout. We argue that this is, in part, due to the lack of comprehensive, systematic empirical analysis. This paper conducts such an analysis. We identify 44 articles on turnout from 1986 to 2017. These articles include over 127 potential predictors of voter turnout, and we collect data on seventy of these variables. Using extreme bounds analysis, we run over 15 million regressions to determine which of these 70 variables are robustly associated with voter turnout in 579 elections in 80 democracies from 1945 to 2014. Overall, 22 variables are robustly associated with voter turnout, including compulsory voting, concurrent elections, competitive elections, inflation, previous turnout, and economic globalization.

AbstractExpert surveys have been used to measure a wide variety of phenomena in political science, ranging from party positions, to corruption, to the quality of democracy and elections. However, expert judgments raise important validity concerns, both about the object being measured as well as the experts. It is argued in this article that the context of evaluation is also important to consider when assessing the validity of expert surveys. This is even more important for expert surveys with a comprehensive, worldwide scope, such as democracy or corruption indices. This article tests the validity of expert judgments about election integrity – a topic of increasing concern to both the international community and academics. Evaluating expert judgments of election integrity provides an important contribution to the literature evaluating the validity of expert surveys as instruments of measurement as: (1) the object under study is particularly complex to define and multifaceted; and (2) election integrity is measured in widely varying institutional contexts, ranging from electoral autocracies to liberal democracies. Three potential sources of bias are analysed (the object, the experts and the context), using a unique new dataset on election integrity entitled the 'Perceptions of Electoral Integrity' dataset. The data include over 800 experts in 66 parliamentary and presidential elections worldwide. It is found that validity of expert judgments about election integrity is increased if experts are asked to provide factual information (rather than evaluative judgments), and if they are asked to evaluate election day (rather than pre‐election) integrity. It is also found that ideologically polarised elections and elections of lower integrity increase expert disagreement about election integrity. The article concludes with suggestions for researchers using the expert survey data on election integrity on how to check the validity of their data and adjust their analyses accordingly, and outlines some remaining challenges for future data collection using expert surveys.

Data de publicació electrónica: 17-03-2021 ; This paper explores an alternative mechanism for understanding the drivers of the nomination of women for elective office in single-member electoral systems. Previous research has generally examined two sources of gender-based politics: party ideology, with leftist parties being more female-friendly than rightist parties, and the strategic nomination of candidates depending on whether the party is expected to win or lose in the district, with women more likely to be used as 'sacrificial lambs' in hopeless contests. We argue that the nomination of male and female candidates across districts reflects an interdependence of party strategies – in particular, the actions of the main opposition party. We hypothesise that when the trailing party is not committed to gender equality, its equilibrium strategy in a given district is the nomination of a candidate of the same gender as that of the front-running party. Secondary data from 1,017 single-member Australian districts and more than 2,000 candidates from 2001–2019 confirm our hypothesis. ; We acknowledge support from the Australian Research Council Discovery Project [Grant Number: DP190101978], the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness [Grant number: CSO2017-85024-C2-1-P (AEI/FEDER)], and ICREA, under the ICREA Academia programme.

This article examines the forces shaping changes in the number of parties between consecutive elections. We argue that the transaction costs in electoral coordination depend on the turnout level in the previous election. The greater the number of peripheral voters entering the electorate, the less likely a substantial change in the distribution of partisan support in the subsequent election. The argument is tested using data for 313 parliamentary elections in 63 countries from 1990 to 2011, and two cases studies of countries using compulsory voting (the Netherlands and Australia). ; We acknowledge support from the Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness [Grant number CSO2017-85024-C2-1-P (AEI/FEDER], ICREA under the ICREA Academia programme, and the Australian Research Council Discovery Project [Grant number DP190101978].

La democracia electoral descansa en una idea clara: los ciudadanos eligen a políticos para que representen sus intereses. No obstante, la explicación del comportamiento electoral es más compleja que una mera asociación probabilística entre X e Y. Una explicación adecuada necesita tener en cuenta los tres eslabones de la cadena causal del comportamiento electoral: las decisiones de entrada de los partidos, sus estrategias de campaña y las predisposiciones de los votantes. Si no conocemos bien estos tres elementos, los coeficientes de regresión son una caja negra. El propósito de este artículo es examinar estos factores en España. ; Electoral democracy rests on a straightforward idea: citizens elect their fellow citizens to represent their interests. However, the explanation of voting behaviour is more complex than a probabilistic association between X and Y. A proper un- A proper understanding demands a close examination of the three links of the causal chain of electoral behavior: parties' entry decisions, campaign strategies and voter predispositions. Without providing the causal mechanisms, regression coefficients are a black box. The goal of this paper is to examine these factors in Spain.