Suchergebnisse

Mit dem 2019 entwickelten Masterplan Stadtentwässerung möchten die Entsorgungsbetriebe Lübeck die Gewässerqualität in der vom Wasser umgebenen Hansestadt verbessern. Das dynamische Planungswerkzeug bildet die strategische Grundlage für künftige Investitionen.

La monnaie est politique, l'euro n'échappe pas à la règle. Il favorise certaines nations et handicape les autres mais les peuples lui trouvent bien des avantages. Comment nous en sortir ?

AbstractThomas Twiss has written a careful, well-documented study of the evolution of Trotsky's ideas on theUSSRbureaucracy until 1936. He also traces Trotsky's assessments of the causes and meaning of the Moscow Trials and the Terror in 1936–8; but essentially the detailed study stops in 1936. In fact, Trotsky's thinking continued to develop in response to new developments after 1936. The puzzle which Trotsky grappled with – the 'workers' state' which is simultaneously the instrument of fascistic terror against the workers by 'the sole privileged and commanding stratum' – was connected to puzzles in the more general Marxist theory of the state, which Twiss explores usefully in his opening chapter.

This article analyses how British counter-radicalization policy in general, and the Channel project in particular, constitute individuals who are vulnerable to radicalization as visible, producing them as subjects of intervention. It thus asks, how can potential terrorists be identified and made knowable? The article first argues that to understand Channel, it is crucial to develop a conceptual account of the security politics of (in)visibilization that draws attention to the ways in which security regimes can, at times, function primarily through the production of regimes of (in)visibility. Using this approach, the article focusses on the role of 'indicators' as a technology of (in)visibilization. This role is central to the functioning of Channel, visibilizing certain subjects as threatening. Yet such a production is political. In bringing together a politics of care and a politics of identity, it is a regime of (in)visibility that produces new sites of intervention, contains significant potential consequences for the expression of certain identities, and raises new and troubling possibilities for how contemporary life may be secured.

Focusing on the upsurge in anti-colonial insurgency between 1945 and 1947, this article explores critical transitions in colonial state violence in two French dependencies: Algeria and Madagascar. The suggestion is that official and local responses to colonial disorder in these immediate post-war years defined new, more violent parameters of French colonial counter-insurgency that would long endure. The argument connects the ascendancy of a new French political elite at the Liberation with a reconceptualization of imperial threats, particularly in those territories where political intelligence analysis and security policing became integral to day-to-day governance at the provincial, prefectural, or district levels.

This article analyses how British counter-radicalization policy in general, and the Channel project in particular, constitute individuals who are vulnerable to radicalization as visible, producing them as subjects of intervention. It thus asks, how can potential terrorists be identified and made knowable? The article first argues that to understand Channel, it is crucial to develop a conceptual account of the security politics of (in)visibilization that draws attention to the ways in which security regimes can, at times, function primarily through the production of regimes of (in)visibility. Using this approach, the article focusses on the role of 'indicators' as a technology of (in)visibilization. This role is central to the functioning of Channel, visibilizing certain subjects as threatening. Yet such a production is political. In bringing together a politics of care and a politics of identity, it is a regime of (in)visibility that produces new sites of intervention, contains significant potential consequences for the expression of certain identities, and raises new and troubling possibilities for how contemporary life may be secured.

This paper examines the correlation between political thought and poetic expression by introducing the literary work of Ōishi Seinosuke (1867–1911), a Japanese socialist and physician who was executed during the High Treason Incident of 1910/11. It shows that personal opinions regarding society and government do have a strong influence on the individual style of an author, not only in the matter of content, but also concerning the chosen language and the mode of expression. However, Ōishi himself, who studied in the United States from 1892 to 1895, seems to have been aware of several discrepancies between his own political ideals and the reality of literary creation. In fact, he suddenly abandoned his efforts in Japanese short poetry at the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese War in 1904 and thenceforth conveyed his political message to the audience via the more conservative way of writing essays. This change of medium indicates that Ōishi no longer thought of poems as an appropriate means to fight the injustice of society and the destructive foreign policy of the Japanese authorities.

The rise of the modern empires threw Europeans into contact with exotic peoples and environments on an unprecedented scale. The bewildering diversity presented interpretive challenges without parallel. This chapter examines the emergence of a field of enquiry, sometimes known as the �science of man�, which began to prosper in Britain and its colonies in the nineteenth century. While the rise of anthropology represented an international phenomenon, the origins and development of the discipline within the British Empire are the focus here. In the process of uncovering this history, we must engage with a subject even more imposing: the symbiotic relationship between the growth of science and the modern empires. This is one of the reasons why the formation of anthropology as a modern social science is pertinent to historians of empire. In the wake of Michel Foucault, scholars have come to recognise the potent and highly politicised nexus between knowledge and power, which so affected the nation-states and modern juridical systems. By attending to the history of anthropology, we can see how the types of power�knowledge relationship that so defined the European world were transferred to indigenous societies through colonial subjugation.