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AbstractSocial phenomena—quite like mental states in the philosophy of mind—are often regarded as potential troublemakers from the start, particularly if they are approached with certain explanatory commitments, such as naturalism or social individualism, already in place. In this paper, we argue that such explanatory constraints should be at least initially bracketed if we are to arrive at an adequate non-biased description of social phenomena. Legitimate explanatory projects, or so we maintain, such as those of making the social world fit within the natural world with the help of, e.g., collective intentionality, social individualism, and the like, should neither exclude nor influence the prior description of social phenomena. Just as we need a description of the mental that is not biased, for example, by (anti)physicalist constraints, we need a description of the social that is not biased, for example, by (anti)individualist or (anti)naturalist commitments. Descriptive social ontology, as we shall conceive of it, is not incompatible with the adoption of explanatory frameworks in social ontology; rather, the descriptive task, according to our conception, ought to be recognized as prior to the explanatory project in the order of inquiry. If social phenomena are, for example, to be reduced to nonsocial (e.g., psychological or physical) phenomena, we need first to understand clearly what the social candidates for the reduction in question are. While such descriptive or naïve approaches have been influential in general metaphysics (see Fine 2017), they have so far not been prominent in analytic social ontology (though things are different outside of analytic philosophy, see esp. Reinach (1913). In what follows, we shall outline the contours of a descriptive approach by arguing, first, that description and explanation need to be distinguished as two distinct ways of engaging with social phenomena. Secondly, we defend the claim that the descriptive project ought to be regarded as prior to the explanatory project in the order of inquiry. We begin, in Section 2, by considering two different ways of engaging with mental phenomena: a descriptive approach taken by descriptive psychology and an explanatory approach utilized in analytic philosophy of mind. We take these two ways of approaching the study of the mind to be analogous to the distinction we want to draw in social ontology between a descriptive and an explanatory approach to the study of social phenomena. We consider next, in Section 3, how our approach compares to neighboring perspectives that are familiar to us from general metaphysics and philosophy more broadly, such as Aristotle's emphasis on "saving the appearances", Strawson's distinction between descriptive and revisionary metaphysics, as well as Fine's contrast between naïve and foundational metaphysics. In Section 4, we apply the proposed descriptive/explanatory distinction to the domain of social ontology and argue that descriptive social ontology ought to take precedence in the order of inquiry over explanatory social ontology. Finally, in Section 5, we consider and respond to several objections to which our account might seem to be susceptible.

Remerciements et financement : Les auteurs expriment leur profonde gratitude à un rapporteur anonyme pour sa relecture et ses observations constructives qui ont permis d'améliorer substantiellement le manuscrit. Les auteurs tiennent également à remercier Joseph Gbewopo Attila, pour ses précieux conseils concernant le traitement des données, Olivier Musy et Tarik Tadzaït, pour leur disponibilité et leur professionnalisme, et l'Insee pour son concours concernant l'accès aux données. Cette recherche a reçu un financement de l'Observatoire Des Jeux (ODJ). Cette institution n'a cependant joué aucun rôle dans la conception de l'étude, la rédaction du manuscrit ou la décision de soumettre l'article pour publication. Les auteurs demeurent seuls responsables du contenu de cet article. Cet article met en œuvre une analyse entrée-sortie à partir des données de la comptabilité nationale pour éclairer les questions relatives à l'emploi dans le cadre de la régulation des jeux de hasard et d'argent en France. Cette analyse permet d'estimer à 46 285 le nombre total d'emplois imputables à l'activité du secteur des jeux pour l'année 2017, dont 20 170 directs et 26 115 indirects. Elle met aussi en évidence que la dépense de consommation dans les jeux génère moins d'emplois dans l'économie que la dépense de consommation dans les autres secteurs domestiques. Une réallocation de la dépense en jeu des ménages vers les autres secteurs est ainsi bénéfique pour l'emploi domestique (440 emplois créés pour une réallocation d'un milliard d'euros, soit 2 658 emplois créés en cas de «disparition» complète du secteur des jeux). Au-delà des estimations, nécessairement dépendantes des choix méthodologiques effectués, l'intérêt de ce travail est de souligner que l'impact potentiel de la régulation des jeux sur l'emploi est nettement moins important que ne le suggèrent les éléments de communication des opérateurs.

AbstractWhat are economic exchanges? The received view has it that exchanges are mutual transfers of goods motivated by inverse valuations thereof. As a corollary, the standard approach treats exchanges of services as a subspecies of exchanges of goods. We raise two objections against this standard approach. First, it is incomplete, as it fails to take into account, among other things, the offers and acceptances that lie at the core of even the simplest cases of exchanges. Second, it ultimately fails to generalize to exchanges of services, in which neither inverse preferences nor mutual transfers hold true. We propose an alternative definition of exchanges, which treats exchanges of goods as a special case of exchanges of services and which builds in offers and acceptances. According to this theory: (i) The valuations motivating exchanges are propositional and convergent rather than objectual and inverse; (ii) All exchanges of goods involve exchanges of services/actions, but not the reverse; (iii) Offers and acceptances, together with the contractual obligations and claims they bring about, lie at the heart of all cases of exchange.

Discusses two intertwined phenomena that emerged during the 19th and 20th centuries and that developed until World War II, namely, the implementation of the "child protection" system, on the one hand, within which juvenile courts were set up and a specific justice was applied to minors, and an active health policy, on the other hand, which was strengthened during both world wars, and that particularly applied to venereal diseases. Among the cases presented before the juvenile courts, there was a particular concern for the sexuality of young women, potentially under the threat of a series of irreversible "risks" - premarital sex, early pregnancy, prostitution, and venereal diseases. Through a double sociological and medical argumentation, these were considered as risks not only for the young woman but also for those she might contaminate, for her future children, for the preservation of morality, and even "race." Although some sources from minors' protection institutions show that boys appeared as likely to be contaminated by these diseases as girls, the criminological views and screening practices were only applied to young women. In the wake of World War I, much was spent to treat and reeducate these young women in institutions for minors, testimony to the fears raised by this issue. The government dedicated its full attention to the issue by creating the Asile-Clinique in Bruges. For decades, juvenile court judges sent their wards to these institutions so that they could benefit from state-of-the-art medical treatment and educational measures. The organization and the treatments that were provided in these institutions, a complex mix of moral and medical considerations, were a practical example of the convergence of interests between health concerns of the medical body and the project of the "remoralization" of female youth, as it was supported by the practitioners of child protection during the first half of the 20th century.

Discusses two intertwined phenomena that emerged during the 19th and 20th centuries and that developed until World War II, namely, the implementation of the "child protection" system, on the one hand, within which juvenile courts were set up and a specific justice was applied to minors, and an active health policy, on the other hand, which was strengthened during both world wars, and that particularly applied to venereal diseases. Among the cases presented before the juvenile courts, there was a particular concern for the sexuality of young women, potentially under the threat of a series of irreversible "risks" - premarital sex, early pregnancy, prostitution, and venereal diseases. Through a double sociological and medical argumentation, these were considered as risks not only for the young woman but also for those she might contaminate, for her future children, for the preservation of morality, and even "race." Although some sources from minors' protection institutions show that boys appeared as likely to be contaminated by these diseases as girls, the criminological views and screening practices were only applied to young women. In the wake of World War I, much was spent to treat and reeducate these young women in institutions for minors, testimony to the fears raised by this issue. The government dedicated its full attention to the issue by creating the Asile-Clinique in Bruges. For decades, juvenile court judges sent their wards to these institutions so that they could benefit from state-of-the-art medical treatment and educational measures. The organization and the treatments that were provided in these institutions, a complex mix of moral and medical considerations, were a practical example of the convergence of interests between health concerns of the medical body and the project of the "remoralization" of female youth, as it was supported by the practitioners of child protection during the first half of the 20th century.

Résumé « Le néogothique civil en Anjou » retrace l'évolution de l'architecture et des arts décoratifs appartenant au courant néogothique, depuis leur apparition en Anjou à la fin du xviii e siècle, jusqu'au début du xx e siècle, époque de leur déclin. À la différence de certaines régions où il s'est fait rare, le néogothique a trouvé dans cette région française un terrain d'expression remarquable, peut-être l'un des plus riches de France. Même s'il est parfois utilisé à mauvais escient, le nom de l'architecte René Hodé suffit à dessiner les contours d'un sujet, et celui du château de Challain expose à lui seul la complexité des réalisations qui en relèvent. La richesse et la diversité de ce mouvement à la créativité permanente se révèlent à travers une soixantaine d'édifices étudiés. Les trois grands courants propres cette architecture y sont exposés, du néogothique hodéen au néogothique archéologique, en y incluant celui dit « de la fantaisie ». Les données sociologiques et artistiques qui ont présidé à ces créations expliquent leur naissance puis leur développement dans le cercle restreint de la bonne société provinciale qui ne montre aucun retard sur les amples réalisations des pays voisins, l'Allemagne ou la Grande-Bretagne. Une part importante est accordée aux arts décoratifs et au mobilier ornant ces grandes demeures.

Abstract
This paper draws on macroeconomics, the economics of institutions and the economics of trust to explain private savings at the national level for 33 OECD (mostly European) countries from 2002 to 2012. More specifically, it raises two questions: (i) is it the quality of institutions or trust in institutions that drives private savings? (ii) if trust matters, what is the appropriate institutional level at which it operates? To answer these questions, we add to the usual explanatory variables of private savings three measures of institutional quality and six measures of institutional trust, distributed between the following institutional levels, presented in assumed hierarchical order: political, legal, financial and social. We find that trust in political institutions is the most significant driver of private savings. This contributes to the literature underlining the importance of subjectivity in social and economic phenomena and suggests, for private bank savings in countries having highly regulated banking systems, the existence of a hierarchy of trust in which trust in the highest-ranking institutions (political – and to a lesser extent legal – institutions) acts as a substitute for trust in every lower-ranking institution (financial institutions and social trust).

Dans le cadre d'un projet avec la politique scientifique belge, il s'agissait de mesurer les performances d'un certain nombre d'installations de chauffage solaire dans la partie wallonne de la Belgique. Le projet a consisté à mettre au point la méthodologie de mesure, à placer les instruments dans les bâtiments, puis à interpréter les résultats.