Suchergebnisse

eingereicht von Thomas Mayer ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Graz, Univ., Dipl.-Arb., 2009 ; (VLID)206403

'Die Visualisierung und Analyse sozialer Netzwerke für eine historische Fragestellung kann mit Hilfe der sozialen Netzwerkanalyse durchgeführt werden. Doch ist die dafür benötigte Datengenerierung ein bislang wenig diskutiertes Problem: Wie werden qualitative, prozess-produzierte Daten derart kodiert, dass sie für die Soziale Netzwerkanalyse verwendbar sind? Im Rahmen meiner historischen Arbeit zu eugenischen Netzwerken in Österreich von 1900 bis 1980 sollen soziologische Methoden, wie die Soziale Netzwerkanalyse und die Inhaltsanalyse nutzbar gemacht werden. Dieser Beitrag beschäftigt sich mit den spezifischen Problemen der Begrenzung von Netzwerken und prozess-produzierter Daten und der inhaltsanalytischen Verfahren für die Kodierung wissenschaftlicher und nicht-wissenschaftlicher Texte an Hand des Beispieles der eugenischen Sterilisierung in Österreich.' (Autorenreferat)

Sollte die Finanzaufsicht reformiert und gestärkt werden? Thomas Mayer, Chefvolkswirt, Europa, bei der Deutschen Bank, London, beantwortet diese Frage klar mit einem Ja. Eine bessere Finanzaufsicht bedeute jedoch nicht dichtere Regulierungen und mehr Regulatoren, sondern klare Verantwortlichkeiten und eine Stärkung der Kräfte des Marktes zur Selbstregulierung. Wer bei der Finanzaufsicht "das Sagen haben sollte", ist nach Mayers Ansicht die Stelle, bei der "die Fäden zur Sicherung von Preis- und Finanzstabilität zusammenlaufen. Das geschieht bei der Notenbank. Das Europäische System der Zentralbanken (ESZB) sollte daher die Federführung für die gesamte Finanzaufsicht, also die Aufsicht über Finanzdienstleister einschließlich Banken und Versicherungen, und über die Finanzmärkte haben."

This paper surveys the monetarist position on various aspects of American monetary policy in an informal way and provides the personal reactions of a participant observer in this debate. It emphasizes the intellectual milieu in which monetarism emerged, the background factors that facilitated that emergence, and the relation of monetarism both to ideology and to current thinking about monetary policy. Rather than focus on whether the monetarists were right or wrong, it evaluates some aspects of the effectiveness with which the debate was conducted.

When stock or bond prices drop sharply we are told that the nation''s wealth has fallen. Some commentators go beyond such a vague statement and calculate how many billions of dollars of wealth have been wiped out by multiplying the percentage change in stock prices or bond prices by the previous value of outstanding stocks or bonds. This appears sensible and indeed obvious, and if the figure looks huge, for example, $2.1 trillion (about one quarter of annual GDP) for one week in April 2000, so be it. Yet, when we look at the real economy it also seems obvious that the nation''s stock of capital is the same as it was the day before the market crashed. Our factories can turn out just as many shoes, ships and tons of sealing wax as before, and our fields are just as fruitful. To be sure, if bond prices fall the value of claims we have on each other is less, but except for our net claims on (or liabilities) to foreigners, the gains of debtors and the losses of creditors wash out when we look at the nation as a whole. Even the change in the value of government debt washes out because the debt is the liability of taxpayers.

How justified is the charge that ideology strongly influences the allegedly objective opinions of economists? An analysis of a new survey of AEA members and of surveys by Fuchs et al of labor economists and public economists shows that value judgments and judgments about the government''s efficacy have some influence on the way economists think about what should be purely economic issues. But such influence is not strong enough to explain much of the disagreement among economists.

Economists do not communicate efficiently and methodologists should expand their bailiwick to deal with this and with similar practical problems. Both the quality of and the professional prestige associated with popular writing should be enhanced. Academic economists need to pay more attention to communicating with economists in business and government. Within academic economics information flooding is a serious problem. Several ways of ameliorating this problem exist.

An idealized political structure that transcends the traditional duality of state vs market is described in the German context. It is argued that the binary system of the state, which focuses on general well-being, vs the free market, which emphasizes individual well-being, can be complemented by the so-called third sector, in which morally motivated individuals attempt to increase general well-being & in which new social movements have been important actors. The efforts of the third sector may influence the state to establish a more direct form of democracy than that offered by parliamentarian oligarchy by allowing citizens to vote in referendums, & the free market may be enticed to better balance interests by adopting associative economic strategies. The function of the state in associative economics is discussed, & it is concluded that the organization of society according to the principles of associative economics, actually making every individual into a social movement, is a highly desirable & even realistic notion. 1 Reference. S. Paul