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Public–Private Partnerships (PPPs) are an increasingly common mechanism for the renewal of public sector infrastructure, although in the United Kingdom, these have been criticized as representing poor value for money. An inherent assumption of much of this criticism is that a corollary of detriment for the public sector is benefit for the private sector. This paper highlights the difficulty of objectively verifying the many criticisms and assumptions regarding risk and reward associated with PPPs. Public and private sector disclosure policies and systems are analyzed and we conclude that neither sector practices openness and transparency. This results in a democratic accountability deficit in the public sector and a lack of meaningful data being made available to stakeholders in private companies.

This article analyzes the social characteristics & career paths of Scottish elected representatives, assessing the extent to which the Members of the Scottish Parliament (MSPs) are different from their Scottish counterparts at Westminster as well as the society at large. Taking the analysis of comparative representation beyond the contemporary focus on gender, this article finds that in certain specific ways the Scottish counterparts at Westminster are actually more representative of the Scottish population. While MSPs are more representative of the female population, traditional "politics facilitating" career paths are less important than they are for Westminster & Scottish MPs are more representative of ethnicity & the working class in Scotland. Findings suggest that if we want a more inclusive style of "new politics," the parties will have to address the issue of microcosmic representation from a wider perspective than the current focus on gender. 8 Tables, 1 Appendix. Adapted from the source document.

The closing of Scotland's perceived 'democratic deficit' and improved transparency and accountability in Scotland's governing institutions was one of the key aspirations of campaigners for a Scottish Parliament. Implicit in this was a rejection of the outdated Westminster model of government which was perceived as inadequate. This article reviews the first year of one of the Scottish Parliament's departures from the Westminster system: public petitioning. This activity has an important symbolic value for the new Parliament. It is argued that, although the new petitioning processes are at an interim stage of development, there is already evidence that these activities promote accountability, access, transparency, pluralism and democratic participation in Scotland. They thus contribute to a narrowing of the democratic deficit which existed during the years of Westminster rule.

In recent years regulatory mechanisms and arrangements for public service organisations have become increasingly complex. In this paper we develop a theoretical framework that emphasises the potential importance of the following regulatory problems: regulatee resistance, ritualistic compliance, regulatory capture, performance ambiguity, and absence of performance data. This framework is applied to arrangements for the regulation of direct labour and direct service organisations in Scotland and Wales prior to the 'Best Value' regime. The results support the practical relevance of the analytical framework. Furthermore, whereas conventional perspectives suggest that the source of regulatory problems is the behaviour of regulatees, our evidence shows that the behaviour of regulators can also lead to regulatory failure; for example, through ritualistic compliance with procedures. The evidence also reveals a previously unidentified problem concerning a 'fear of regulation' on the part of regulators.

In the light of the British referendum on EU membership on 23 June, the Centre for British Studies of the Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin organised a series of public lectures on the future of the UK during the summer term 2016. Despite some forebodings, the outcome of the referendum still came as a harsh surprise. Brexit affects the Centre and its students professionally and personally. Whilst these are exciting times for scholars of British studies, we hope that our good relations to the UK can be maintained. The lecture series allowed us to follow the recommendations of our advisory board to produce a publication on the recent political developments in British politics. This short book is based on the public talks of our lecture series.

Examines the startling revival of the Scottish Conservative Party under Ruth Davidson's leadershipA very timely retrospective study of the Scottish Conservative Party's revival under Ruth Davidson's leadership (November 2011–August 2019)Analyses the Scottish Conservative Party under Ruth Davidson's in the context of gender and LGBT politics; its relationships with the SNP, Northern Ireland, the Scottish media and the UK Tory Party; and its use of Scottish national identity Helps inform Scottish political and academic discourse ahead of the 2021 Holyrood electionsWhen Ruth Davidson was elected leader of the Scottish Conservative and Unionist Party in 2011, it was considered something of a joke: in electoral decline for decades, politically irrelevant and seemingly past the point of no return. But by 2017, 'Ruth Davidson's Conservatives' had become Scotland's second party at Holyrood and Westminster, and its leader spoken of as a future leader of the UK Conservative Party, if not the next Scottish First Minister. Then, in August 2019, Ruth Davidson resigned. This book, which brings together leading academics and analysts, examines the extraordinary revival of the Scottish Conservative Party between 2011 and Ruth Davidson's shock resignation in 2019. Contributors look at the importance of gender and sexuality, the 2014 independence referendum, the Scottish media and the UK Conservative Party's 'territorial code' to the changing fortunes of the party and its leader, asking if it can be sustained amid the turbulence of two ongoing constitutional debates: Brexit and Scottish Independence

How have Scotland's first post-devolution decades been felt across the political landscape?Features analysis of the key political institutions and parties in ScotlandProvides a detailed chronology of the devolution eraIncludes perspectives from civil servants, campaigners and politicians including Jim Gallagher, Joyce McMillan, Johann Lamont, Murdo Fraser and Marco BiagiIf you want a taster ahead of publication on 1st August you can download the introduction from the resources tab, below.Marking the first twenty years of the Scottish Parliament, this collection of essays assesses its impact on Scotland, the UK and Europe and compares progress against pre-devolution hopes and expectations. It brings together the voices of ministers and advisers, leading political scientists and historians, commentators, journalists and former civil servants – building an authoritative account of what the Scottish Parliament has made of devolution.The Story of the Scottish Parliament is an essential guide to the powers Holyrood may need for Scotland to flourish in an increasingly uncertain world.Contributors to The Story of the Scottish ParliamentMargaret Arnott is professor of public policy at the University of the West of Scotland.Lynn Bennie is reader in politics at the University of Aberdeen. Marco G. Biagi was MSP for Edinburgh from 2011 to 2016, latterly serving as Minister for Local Government and Community Empowerment. Alan Convery is lecturer in politics at the University of Edinburgh. Torcuil Crichton is the Daily Record's Westminster editor and a journalistic veteran of six UK general election campaigns and five Scottish elections. Sir John Curtice is professor of politics at Strathclyde University and senior research fellow, NatCen/ScotCen Social Research. Zoe Ferguson is an associate with the Carnegie UK Trust and has been developing their work on kindness. Murdo Fraser is MSP for Mid Scotland and Fife and was deputy leader of the Scottish Conservative and Unionist Party from 2005 to 2011.Jim Gallagher's 35-year civil service career included heading the Scottish Justice department, being private secretary to two Secretaries of State for Scotland, and twice serving in the No 10 Policy Unit under different Prime Ministers. Ewan Gibbs lectures in sociology and social policy at the University of the West of Scotland and sits on the committee of the Scottish Labour History Society. Ambrose Gillick is a designer and lecturer in architecture at Kent School of Architecture. David Gow is now editor of Social Europe and of sceptical.scot. Gerry Hassan is research fellow in contemporary history at Dundee University. Ailsa Henderson is professor of political science at the University of Edinburgh where she conducts research on comparative sub-state political behaviour and political culture.Kirsty Hughes is director of the Scottish Centre on European Relations. Lee Ivett is an award-winning architect, designer and founding director of Baxendale Studio. Richard Kerley is Emeritus Professor of Management at Queen Margaret University, Edinburgh, and co-chair of the Centre for Scottish Public Policy. Colin Kidd is Wardlaw Professor of Modern History at the University of St Andrews. Johann Lamont is Labour MSP for Glasgow and was previously leader of the Scottish Labour Party.Craig McAngus is a lecturer in politics at the University of the West of Scotland. Neil McGarvey is a senior teaching fellow in the School of Government and Public Policy at the University of Strathclyde, Glasgow. Joyce McMillan is a freelance