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The literature on the warning-response gap in conflict prevention over-emphasizes political will as the crucial variable, whereas warning is not considered problematic. This article makes the case for distinguishing more clearly signs and indications from actual warnings. Furthermore the article argue that the quality of warnings matters for achieving at least partial persuasive success with decision-makers. The article identify key factors limiting or enhancing warning impact, focusing on source credibility, message content and communication mode. They argue that warning communicators need to take credibility problems more seriously, invest more time in identifying, understanding and building relationships with the most relevant recipients and tailor warnings accordingly in terms of content, timing and communication mode. If organizations lack the capacity to provide credible prescriptions on how to act, they should concentrate on high quality reporting to enhance rather than damage their credibility.

The literature on the warning-response gap in conflict prevention over-emphasizes political will as the crucial variable, whereas warning is not considered problematic. The paper makes the case for distinguishing more clearly signs and indications from actual warnings. Furthermore we argue that the quality of warnings matters to achieving at least partial persuasive success with decision-makers. We identify key factors limiting or enhancing warning impact, focusing on source credibility, message content and communication mode. We argue that warning communicators need to take credibility problems more seriously, invest more time in identifying, understanding and building relationships with the most relevant recipients, and tailor warnings accordingly in terms of content, timing and communication mode. If organizations lack the capacity to provide credible prescriptions on how to act, they should concentrate on high quality reporting to enhance rather than damage their credibility.

One consequence of the eroding business model of quality newspapers in Western countries is the reduction in the number of permanent correspondents and regional bureaus. It has been argued that the importance of foreign correspondents has been overstated and that news agencies, social networks and citizen-journalism can fill the gap. In contrast, the authors argue that the loss of presence in foreign countries has harmed the news media's ability to uncover evolving crises and provide in-depth and reliable background reporting. This is particularly problematic for conflict prevention because decision-makers use quality news media alongside intelligence reports for identifying and prioritizing threats. Cost-considerations stand in the way of re-opening foreign bureaus, but quality news providers need to become more inventive in how they can preserve the early warning function of quality news coverage. One way forward is to cultivate links with country and area specialists from academia, NGOs and the non-profit media.

Constructivist approaches have made a substantial contribution to our understanding of the European Union's security and defence policy, but their ability to explain and forecast change has suffered from neglecting the link between material structures and ideas. This article attempts to 'solidify' constructivism by drawing on realist thought to elaborate a theoretical argument about how material and ideational factors are interrelated and offers four propositions about how changes in material conditions affect the ideational dimension of defence co-operation. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractConstructivist approaches have made a substantial contribution to our understanding of the European Union's security and defence policy, but their ability to explain and forecast change has suffered from neglecting the link between material structures and ideas. This article attempts to 'solidify' constructivism by drawing on realist thought to elaborate a theoretical argument about how material and ideational factors are interrelated and offers four propositions about how changes in material conditions affect the ideational dimension of defence co‐operation.

The governance of the European Union has been changed through its responses to international terrorism. The analysis of those changes is grounded in an examination of the different perceptions of the phenomenon in academic and political debate. This introductory article traces the most relevant changes across competences, policies and governing modes and highlights dynamics applicable to other areas of EU activity: cross-pillarization, the growth of horizontal governing networks, co-operation outside the treaty framework and the impact of third countries on EU policy-making. The article puts forward a three-pronged constructivist framework to understand better the main dynamics and factors underpinning the various forms of change, in particular why the emphasis has been on co-ordination and information-sharing rather than on supranational integration. Performance issues are then critically assessed, both in terms of whether the new measures, competences, instruments and resources are likely to be effective as well as with regard to the intended and unintended harmful effects for the civil and democratic rights of EU and third-country citizens. Adapted from the source document.