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"Citizens in democracies complain that political parties' positions on major issues are too ambiguous for them to confidently understand. Why is party position ambiguity so common? Are party positions ambiguous because political parties fail in forming a clear policy position or because they deliberately blur their position? Rationality of Irrationality argues that political parties are motivated to strategically blur their position on an issue when they struggle with a certain disadvantage in the issue. Specifically, political parties present an ambiguous position when their own supporters are divided in their stances on the issue. A political party also blurs a position stance when voters do not acknowledge that the party has ability and integrity to solve problems related to the issue. Political parties blur their position in these cases because ambiguous party positions divert voters' attention from the issue. Voters support a political party whose policy positions on major issues are close to their own stances. However, voters cannot confidently and exactly estimate party positions on an issue when they are only ambiguous"--

Delegating Responsibility explores the politics of migration in the European Union and explains how and why the EU responded to the 2015-17 refugee crisis. Based on 86 interviews and fieldwork in Greece and Italy, Nicholas R. Micinski puts forward a new theory of international cooperation on international migration. States approach migration policies in many ways--such as coordination, collaboration, subcontracting, and unilateralism--but which way they choose is based on the migration state capacity and credible partners on the ground. Micinski traces the evolution of EU migration management, like border security and asylum policies, over the last fifty years and shows how EU officials used "crises" as political leverage to further Europeanize migration governance. In two in-depth cases studies, he explores these themes to explain how Italy and Greece responded to the most recent refugee crisis. He concludes with a discussion of policy recommendations regarding the current situation and long-term aspirations for migration management in the EU. This book is an excellent introduction to the politics of the EU, migration and refugee policy, and humanitarianism and presents original data and findings from the 2015-17 refugee crisis

When does a reigning great power of the international system supplement military containment of a challenging power by restricting its economic exchanges with that state? Scholars of great power politics have traditionally focused on examining a reigning power's military containment of a challenging power. In direct contrast, Compound Containment demonstrates that these conventional studies are flawed without a sound understanding of the multilayered aspects of containment strategy in great power politics. Since economic capacity and military power are intimately linked to one another, countering a challenging power requires addressing both economic and military dimensions. Nonetheless, this nexus of security and economy in a reigning power's response to a challenging power cannot be explained by traditional theories that dominate research in international security. Author Dong Jung Kim fills a gap in the scholarship on great power competition by investigating when a reigning power will make its military containment of a challenging power "compound" by simultaneously employing restrictive economic measures. Its main theoretical claims are corroborated by an analysis of key historical cases of reigning power-challenging power competition. This book also offers policy prescriptions for the United States by examining whether the United States is in a position to complement military containment of China with restrictive economic measures

Chapter one. Introduction -- Chapter two. The evolution-balance model -- Chapter three. John F. Kennedy : "a livelier sense of duty" -- Chapter four. Kennedy and China -- Chapter five. Lyndon B. Johnson : "energy in the executive" -- Chapter six. Johnson and China -- Chapter seven. Richard M. Nixon : "if men were angels..." -- Chapter eight. Nixon and China -- Chapter nine. Conclusion.

Contemporary popular culture is riddled with references to Mexican drug cartels, narcos, and drug trafficking. In the United States, documentary filmmakers, journalists, academics, and politicians have taken note of the increasing threats to our security coming from a subculture that appears to feed on murder and brutality while being fed by a romanticism about power and capital. Carlos Alberto Sánchez uses Mexican narco-culture as a point of departure for thinking about the nature and limits of violence, culture, and personhood. A Sense of Brutality argues that violent cultural modalities, of which narco-culture is but one, call into question our understanding of "violence" as a concept. The reality of narco-violence suggests that "violence" itself is insufficient to capture it, that we need to redeploy and reconceptualize "brutality" as a concept that better captures this reality. Brutality is more than violence, other to cruelty, and distinct from horror and terror--all concepts that are normally used interchangeably with brutality, but which, as the analysis suggests, ought not to be. In narco-culture, the normalization of brutality into everyday life is a condition upon which the absolute erasure or derealization of people is made possible

Framing the "opium problem" : protoscientific concepts of addiction -- Creatures of habit : feeding the "junkie monkeys" of Michigan -- "A new deal for the drug addict" : addiction research moves to Lexington, Kentucky -- "The man with the syringe" : pain and pleasure in the experimental situation -- "The tightrope between coercion and seduction" : characterizing the ethos of addiction research at Lexington -- "The great hue and cry" : prison reform and the ethics of human subjects research -- "The behavior is always right" : behavioral pharmacology comes of age -- "The hijacked brain" : reimagining addiction.

Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Preface and Acknowledgements -- List of Tables -- 1. Social Organization in South China -- 2. The Kuan Lineage of T'uo-fu -- 3. The T'uo-fu Kuan and Their Neighbors -- 4. Rise of the New Gentry Class -- 5. Local Militarization, Economic Development, and the Kuan of K'ai-p'ing, 1911-30 -- 6. Power and Leadership in T'uo-fu After 1930 -- 7. Agrarian Problems and Class Relations in T'uo-fu After 1930 -- 8. Conclusion -- Appendices -- Notes -- Glossary -- Bibliography

Reprint. Originally published: Athens : University of Georgia Press, [1971] ; Mode of access: Internet.

One of the most significant global events in the last forty years has been the rise of China-- economically, technologically, politically, and militarily. The question on people's minds for decades has been whether China will replace the United States as a superpower in the near future. But for China, this power must be comprehensive -- having strong economic and militant forces are only two pieces of the puzzle. China must also possess soft power, such as attractive ideologies, values, and culture. China as Number One? explores China's soft powers through the eyes of Chinese citizens. Utilizing data from the World Values Survey, the contributors to this collection explore the potential soft power of a rising China by examining its residents' social values. A comprehensive study of changes and continuities in the political and social values of Chinese citizens, the book examines findings in the context of evolutionary modernization theory and cross-national comparison