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People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals is renowned/notorious for campaigns in the name of animal rights that use women's bodies in sexualized ways, perhaps most notably Pamela Anderson's. Feminists have both criticized and supported these tropes, while the liberal and conservative bourgeois media alike have generally denounced them. I sketch those debates and offer an additional concern – that the organization's reformist, consumerist politics invests in plutocratic activism.

This paper is in closed access until 10th May 2019. ; In this chapter, the authors' profound the knowledge of Australia's slippery shift from cultural policy to creative industries and its oleaginous embrace of contemporary capitalism as part of that manoeuvre. Australia has dependent cultural relations with the US and the UK and economic ones with those nations, plus China and Japan. The authors' engage with that position in the context of their understanding of prior Australian history before considering nationalism and cosmopolitanism from an international perspective. What of cosmopolitanism as an alternative, emerging from much older origins than those associated with contemporary neoliberalism and globalization? A core Enlightenment ideal, cosmopolitanism suffered with the ongoing triumph of the nation-state and nationalist ideology, but became au courant again due to the need for ways of living together in a globalizing economy with vast migration and cultural exchange. The histories of the League of Nations and the UN stand for the failure of world government.

This book chapter is closed access. ; An important shared interest of disability studies and media studies is the materiality of media and its consequences for differently situated subjects. Toby Miller examines both ends of the production cycle of media technologies—manufacture and disposal—to demonstrate the interconnected ways that they are physically, economically, environmentally, and politically disabling. He reveals how these modes of disablement collectively produce the liminal status of "effluent citizenship" for poor and despised laborers on the fringes of the global economy upon whom the popular media depend.

This is a book chapter. ; After reviewing various theories of why wars occur, notably feminist, postcolonial and political-economic perspectives, this chapter takes a moment from long ago as its touchstone: a venerable debate about why war happens. It took place in correspondence 85 years ago between two founders of masculinist modernity: Albert Einstein and Sigmund Freud. Their debate offers us some clues about how technocracy and masculinity meet in metaphorical trenches, and what journalism should do to cover that encounter.

This is an Open Access Article. It is published by ICONO14. Journal of Communication and Emergent Technologies under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 NonCommercial-NoDerivs Licence (CC BY-NC-ND). Full details of this licence are available at: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ ; Radical political economy birthed the notion of the New International Division of Cultural Labor (NICL). It starts from the understanding that inequality colors everyday work and domestic life, stressing that although workers generate value, they rarely benefit commensurately, due to the power of capital. Whereas neoclassical or bourgeois economics assumes that supply and demand effectively determine the price of commodities, political economy examines the role of the state and capital in controlling labor and ideologizing consumers and citizens. In other words, orthodox economics concentrates on markets, regarding them as jewels of human behavior; the heterodox approach challenges this focus on consumption, stressing production as a source of value and a site of control. This paper analyse that the NICL has become a model for exploitation across territories, industries, and occupations, so thinking about it critically remains vital. Analytically, we need to focus on the division of labor as a theoretical, empirical, and organizational tool if we are to understand everyday work in a way that can enrich and liberate it in accord with ecological and employee experiences and necessities.

This is an Open Access Article. It is published by Linkoping University under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 3.0 Unported Licence (CC BY-NC). Full details of this licence are available at: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0/ ; The increasing governmentalization and commodification of knowledge are putting intense pressure on scholars to write and publish more, and in accordance with conventions that are not of their own making, due to benchmarks of success set by the applied sciences that suit business and the state. These tendencies are also producing a potentially unsustainable environmental burden that may be increasing, not decreasing, as we move more and more into an online publishing world. This recognition leads to three provocations: 1) There is too much scholarly publication to keep up with, and too much pressure to publish; 2) The future of all academic publishing will largely be determined by the sciences; and 3) We must consider the relative merits of publishing electronically rather than on paper in terms of the environment—in other words, asking "how green is this paper?"

Radical political economy birthed the notion of the New International Division of Cultural Labor (NICL). It starts from the understanding that inequality colors everyday work and domestic life, stressing that although workers generate value, they rarely benefit commensurately, due to the power of capital.Whereas neoclassical or bourgeois economics assumes that supply and demand effectively determine the price of commodities, political economy examines the role of the state and capital in controlling labor and ideologizing consumers and citizens. In other words, orthodox economics concentrates on markets, regarding them as jewels of human behavior; the heterodox approach challenges this focus on consumption, stressing production as a source of value and a site of control.This paper analyse that the NICL has become a model for exploitation across territories, industries, and occupations, so thinking about it critically remains vital. Analytically, we need to focus on the division of labor as a theoretical, empirical, and organizational tool if we are to understand everyday work in a way that can enrich and liberate it in accord with ecological and employee experiences and necessities. ; La economía política radical dió lugar al concepto de la Nueva División Internacional del Trabajo Cultural (NICL). Este parte de comprender las situaciones de desigualdad que se producen a diario tanto en el trabajo como en la vida doméstica. Aunque los trabajadores generan valor, rara vez se benefician proporcionalmente de este debido al poder del capital. Mientras que la economía neoclásica o burguesa asume que la oferta y demanda determinan el precio de los productos básicos, la economía política examina el papel del Estado y el capital en el control de mano de obra y la ideologización de consumidores y ciudadanos. En otras palabras, la economía ortodoxa se concentra en los mercados, considerándolos como las joyas de la conducta humana; el enfoque heterodoxo desafía este enfoque sobre el consumo, haciendo hincapié en la producción como una fuente de valor y un espacio de control. En este trabajo se analiza como el NICL se ha convertido en un modelo para la explotación en todos los territorios, las industrias y ocupaciones, por lo que ejercer un pensamiento crítico sigue siendo vital. Analíticamente, tenemos que centrarnos en la división del trabajo como una herramienta teórica, empírica, y de organización si queremos entender el trabajo diario de una manera que pueda enriquecerlo y liberarlo de acuerdo con las experiencias y las necesidades tanto de los trabajadores como ecológicas.

El artículo examina la teoría y la historia de la política cultural, un discurso de la Ilustración amenazado por el discurso de la nueva derecha de las industrias creativas. El discurso de las industrias creativas representa la respuesta más interesante y productiva a una crisis de relevancia de las humanidades y al surgimiento de una sociedad del conocimiento. Luego se proporciona un breve estudio de caso sobre asuntos ambientales relacionados, con el fin de subrayar el riesgo de que las prioridades industriales dominen las culturales.