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In an empirical test of the argument that the broadcast news media help create a national public opinion, but mute localized opinion rooted in sociodemographic characteristics, 1988 Canadian National Election Study data indicate that major social cleavages are reduced as exposure to the broadcast media goes up. However, the evidence also shows that exposure to media directed toward segmented audiences exacerbates social cleavages. It is concluded that public opinion may become more polarized around sociodemographic cleavages as narrowcast media become more dominant. Implications are drawn for the study of media effects using survey research. 1 Table, 4 Figures, 1 Appendix, 54 References. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractThe article proposes a simple model to explain election outcomes in Canadian federal elections. The model hypothesizes that the share of the vote obtained by the Liberal party depends on deviations from the average rate of unemployment, inflation and income growth, and on the presence or absence of a party leader from Quebec. The results confirm the hypotheses regarding the impact of unemployment and party leader, but inflation and income growth prove to be nonsignificant. The evidence also suggests that the model may be less satisfactory for elections involving governments that had been in place for less than a year (1958 and 1980).

Scholars generally agree that the electorate's reaction to an election outcome has important systemic consequences. As Ginsberg and Weissberg point out, 'every election represents a test and potentially a threat to support for the political regime. Electoral conflicts may strain public acceptance of legal and institutional processes.' The basic idea is that regime support among citizens in the aftermath of an election depends on the widespread belief that the electoral contest has been resolved in a legitimate fashion.

Whether governments introduce "popular" measures immediately before, and save the most "unpopular" measures until immediately after, an election, based on experience of ten provincial governments in Canada, 1951-84.

AbstractThis study examines perceptions of party competence in four issue areas: inflation, unemployment, international affairs and Canadian unity. Using Gallup poll data from a 35-year period, the study shows that in three of the four issue areas Canadians clearly distinguish between parties. These distinctions do not merely reflect party popularity and are durable rather than immutable; perceptions change slowly but do respond to government performance. Canadians see the greatest differences between parties with respect to international affairs and Canadian unity; the Liberals enjoy a substantial lead on these two questions. On inflation, perceived competence tends to reflect popularity while on unemployment, Canadians have greater confidence in the New Democratic party. On all issues, the Conservative party image has substantially improved under the Mulroney government.