Suchergebnisse

Chapter 1. Beyond News and Rumours: Political Economy of Kidnapping and Insecurity in Nigeria -- Chapter 2. One Means, Multiple Ends: A Strategic Framework of Understanding Kidnapping in Nigeria -- Chapter 3. History of Kidnapping in Nigeria -- Chapter 4. Ungoverned spaces and Kidnapping in Nigeria -- Chapter 5. Oil-related kidnapping in the Niger Delta -- Chapter 6. Boko Haram and Kidnapping in Nigeria -- Chapter 7. Armed Banditry and Kidnapping in Nigeria -- Chapter 8. Kidnapping for Ransom -- Chapter 9. Kidnapping for Ritual -- Chapter 10. Kidnapping and Baby Factory in Nigeria -- Chapter 11. Human Trafficking as Kidnapping by Other Means -- Chapter 12. Gender Dimensions of Kidnapping in Nigeria -- Chapter 13. Nigeria and the Transnationalisation of Kidnapping in the Lake Chad Region and the Gulf of Guinea -- Chapter 14. Kidnapping for Ransom (K4R) and the Challenges of Nigeria's International Image -- Chapter 15. State responses to the menace of kidnapping in Nigeria -- Chapter 16. Non-state responses to kidnapping in Nigeria -- Chapter 17. Kidnapping and Hostage Negotiation in Nigeria -- Chapter 18. Journalism practice in an era of hostage taking: Media coverage of kidnappings in Nigeria -- Chapter 19. Concluding Reflections: On the Political Economy of Kidnapping in Nigeria.

There is a popular assumption that off-cycle subnational elections should be better governed and more peaceful than general elections. This position is premised on the notion that limited geographical and demographical scope of such elections offers the national electoral body, security agencies and other key actors in electoral governance the opportunities to concentrate resources and energies in a given jurisdiction for maximum efficiencies. These have encouraged advocacy to unbundle the Electoral Management Body, namely the Independent National Electoral Commission by decentralising electoral governance. However, this assumption has not been subjected to adequate academic scrutiny. This study, therefore, examines comparatively, records of violence in off-cycle subnational elections conducted in Edo, Kogi and Ondo States between 2019 and 2020, and those of Nigeria's 2019 general elections. The study is descriptive by design, with data largely extracted from Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project and analysed using mixed method.