Suchergebnisse

This study analyses the linkage between authoritarianism and three indicators that describe one's general cognitive orientation towards the world of politics: political knowledge, general interest in politics, and interest in the election campaign. Individuals high in authoritarianism are hypothesized to be less politically competent and less interested in politics, due to their resistance to adopting new information and to changing the adopted beliefs. This hypothesis is based on the classical description of the authoritarian personality, but it has not been adequately empirically verified yet. The data are taken from a post-election public opinion survey conducted in 2012 after the presidential and parliamentary elections, on a random sample of voting age citizens of Serbia (N = 1568). The results show that authoritarianism and the level of political knowledge are significantly and negatively correlated, even after controlling for the basic socio-demographic variables. The intensity of political interest is not significantly correlated with authoritarianism. Additional comparison of the misinformed and uninformed groups (those who provided incorrect answers, and those who answered "don't know", respectively) did not support the view that authoritarian persons are more inclined to erroneously guess an answer than to simply say "don't know". The study concludes that the association between political knowledge and authoritarianism is based on deeper psychological roots, while the (lack of) association with political interest is likely to be context-dependent.

Predmet proučavanja su promene koje se odnose na ostvarivanje ciljeva obrazovanja i vaspitanja u učenju srpskog jezika, veronauke i građanskog vaspitanja, koje je donela reforma obrazovanja od 2001. godine. U ispitivanje su uključeni i uslovi u kojima su promene sprovedene, potrebni resursi i aktuelne društvene vrednosti. Rezultati analize relevantnih istraživanja ukazuju da nije došlo do ostvarivanja definisanih ciljeva nastave Srpskog jezika, Veronauke i Građanskog vaspitanja u željenoj meri. Analiza ukazuje i na neobezbeđenost adekvatnih materijalnih i ljudskih resursa za realizaciju reformi, kao i na nedovoljnu podršku vrednosnog konteksta za planirani razvoj obrazovanja. Zaključeno je da navedene teškoće predstavljaju izazove od čijeg rešavanja zavisi dalja sudbina promena u obrazovanju. ; The present study deals with the changes brought about by the educational reform since the 2001, which refer to the accomplishment of educational goals in the courses of Serbian language, religious and civic education. The study also included the analysis of the conditions in which the educational changes took place, the resources needed and prevailing social values. The results of the previous relevant studies indicate that the defined goals related to the instruction of Serbian, religious and civic education have not been accomplished in targeted level. The analysis also shows that adequate material and human resources for the reform implementation have not been provided, as well as that the prevailing values do not support the planned development of the education. It is concluded that these difficulties pose the challenges on whose overcoming the future of educational changes depends.

The present study deals with the changes brought about by the educational reform since the 2001, which refer to the accomplishment of educational goals in the courses of Serbian language, religious and civic education. The study also included the analysis of the conditions in which the educational changes took place, the resources needed and prevailing social values. The results of the previous relevant studies indicate that the defined goals related to the instruction of Serbian, religious and civic education have not been accomplished in targeted level. The analysis also shows that adequate material and human resources for the reform implementation have not been provided, as well as that the prevailing values do not support the planned development of the education. It is concluded that these difficulties pose the challenges on whose overcoming the future of educational changes depends. ; Predmet proučavanja su promene koje se odnose na ostvarivanje ciljeva obrazovanja i vaspitanja u učenju srpskog jezika, veronauke i građanskog vaspitanja, koje je donela reforma obrazovanja od 2001. godine. U ispitivanje su uključeni i uslovi u kojima su promene sprovedene, potrebni resursi i aktuelne društvene vrednosti. Rezultati analize relevantnih istraživanja ukazuju da nije došlo do ostvarivanja definisanih ciljeva nastave Srpskog jezika, Veronauke i Građanskog vaspitanja u željenoj meri. Analiza ukazuje i na neobezbeđenost adekvatnih materijalnih i ljudskih resursa za realizaciju reformi, kao i na nedovoljnu podršku vrednosnog konteksta za planirani razvoj obrazovanja. Zaključeno je da navedene teškoće predstavljaju izazove od čijeg rešavanja zavisi dalja sudbina promena u obrazovanju.

Limitation of the right to freedom of a person is a very sensitive issue, both from the aspect of the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia and many international charters and conventions, national laws, and primarily the Criminal Procedure Code. There are various types of limitation of the freedom of movement of a person. However, this papers will mainly deal with detention of the suspect. The suspect may be detained on several legal grounds, and the subject of our research is detention in compliance with provisions of the Criminal Procedure Code of the Republic of Serbia. Therefore, special attention has been paid to positive legislation in the Republic of Serbia, critical analysis of some law solutions with an emphasis on some illogicality and incompleteness of particular legislative provisions. Moreover, some comparative law solutions in Germany, Italy and Russia have been presented, as well as different possibilities when it comes to detention of the suspect in accordance with provisions of the Criminal Procedure Code, and some concrete suggestions de lege ferenda have been offered. ; Ograničenje prava na slobodu nekog lica predstavlja veoma osetljivo pitanje, kako sa aspekta Ustava Republike Srbije, tako i sa aspekta mnogobrojnih međunarodnih povelja i konvencija, ali i nacionalnih zakona, a pre svega Zakonika o krivičnom postupku. Različiti su vidovi ograničenja slobode kretanja nekog lica, ali će u radu prevashodno biti reči o zadržavanju osumnjičenog lica. Osumnjičeno lice može se zadržati po više zakonskih osnova, a predmet našeg istraživanja je zadržavanje osumnjičenog u skladu sa odredbama Zakonika o krivičnom postupku Republike Srbije. S tim u vezi, ukazuje se na pozitivnu zakonsku regulativu u Republici Srbiji. Posebna pažnja posvećena je kritičkoj analizi pojedinih zakonskih rešenja, a ukazuje se i na određene nelogičnosti i nepotpunosti konkretnih zakonskih odredbi. Takođe, predstavljena su i pojedina uporedno pravna rešenja u Nemačkoj, Italiji i Rusiji i navedene drugačije mogućnosti kada se radi o zadržavanju osumnjičenog prema odredbama ZKP i dati su određeni konkretni predlozi de lege ferenda.

This paper explores the possibilities, scope and limitations of modernization of education in Serbia in the second decade of the XXI century. Together with social and political changes that started in Serbia in the year 2000, considerable changes were initiated in the area of education as well. Modernization of education became one of the proclaimed goals of social development, and decentralization, democratization and improvement of the quality of education were defined as the basic directions for a school system reform. The experience with the specification, implementation and duration of the planned changes reveals their direct dependence on the changes that were taking place in the political government, as a result of which some changes have been partially implemented, while others have been postponed. The transitional society with a low level of socioeconomic development and newly established democratic institutions views the reform of education as an instrument of economic revival and progress and development of the civil society, the stronghold of democracy. However, both the educational system and the society as a whole are in a state of incomplete modernization, which is reflected in the chronic social crisis and stagnation that has been going on for decades. This has practically resulted in the retraditionalization of the dominant value system, whose characteristic, among others, is resistance to change. The Serbian educational system therefore finds itself in a paradoxical situation – what should change the society must also be changed itself, while society itself resists the changes that should be brought about by the modern school. The concluding part of the article discusses some possible outcomes of modernization of education in conditions of an absence of a supportive social context. ; Eduation between tradition and modernity : International symposium, Ohrid, 22-24 September, 2011 Воспитението и образованието меѓу традиционалното и современото општество : Меѓународен симпозиум, Охрид, 22-24 септември, 2011

Child imagination is considered in developmental theories as a desirable precondition for later creative production, though in everyday use, imagination is viewed as fantasy, unreal, not practical and not important. The topic of interest in this paper is public opinion of imagination as the quality that can be encouraged to learn at home and the factors which influence this opinion. The data for the analysis were collected from the Third and Fourth Wave of World Values Survey. The findings suggest that imagination has a very low status among other child qualities which have to be supported. The increase in interest for imagination in the world and in Europe between the Third and Fourth Wave of the survey can indicate larger compliance with the actual demands of educational reform for democratization of education and encouragement of creativity of the young. Stagnation of child imagination status in the opinion of Serbian respondents is understandable in the framework of social crisis which happened at the time when the survey was conducted. The preference of imagination is positively correlated with respondents' postmaterialist orientation and educational level, but negatively with their age. The implications of findings for nurturing creativity in formative period are discussed. It is concluded that the school is invited to offer special programs to compensate for public opinion effects. ; Dok se u razvojnim teorijama dečija mašta tretira kao poželjan preduslov za kasniju kreativnu produkciju, u svakodnevnoj upotrebi ovaj termin se odnosi na fantaziju, nešto nerealno, nepraktično i neznačajno. Predmet interesovanja u ovom radu su stavovi javnog mnjenja o tome u kojoj meri maštovitost deteta može da se podstiče u kući i faktori koji utiču na te stavove. Analizirani su podaci koji su prikupljeni u Trećem i Četvrtom talasu Svetske studije vrednosti. Nalazi ukazuju da maštovitost ima vrlo nizak status među osobinama dece koje treba da budu podržane. Porast vrednovanja maštovitosti na nivou svetskog i evropskog uzorka između Trećeg i Četvrtog talasa može se pripisati većem uvažavanju zahteva za demokratizacijom obrazovanja i podsticanjem kreativnosti mladih koji su sadržani u obrazovnim reformama. Zadržavanje niskog statusa maštovitosti na uzorku Srbije razumljivo je u okviru društvene krize koja se dešavala u vreme izvođenja ispitivanja. Preferiranje maštovitosti je pozitivno povezano sa postmaterijalističkom orijentacijom ispitanika i nivoom njihovog obrazovanja, a negativno sa njihovim uzrastom. Diskutovane su implikacije nalaza za podsticanje kreativnosti u formativnom periodu. Zaključeno je da je škola pozvana da ponudi posebne programe za prevazilaženje efekata iskazanih stavova.

Child imagination is considered in developmental theories as a desirable precondition for later creative production, though in everyday use, imagination is viewed as fantasy, unreal, not practical and not important. The topic of interest in this paper is public opinion of imagination as the quality that can be encouraged to learn at home and the factors which influence this opinion. The data for the analysis were collected from the Third and Fourth Wave of World Values Survey. The findings suggest that imagination has a very low status among other child qualities which have to be supported. The increase in interest for imagination in the world and in Europe between the Third and Fourth Wave of the survey can indicate larger compliance with the actual demands of educational reform for democratization of education and encouragement of creativity of the young. Stagnation of child imagination status in the opinion of Serbian respondents is understandable in the framework of social crisis which bappened at the time when the survey was conducted. The preference of imagination is positively correlated with respondents' postmaterialist orientation and educational level, but negatively with their age. The implications of findings for nurturing creativity in formative period are discussed. It is concluded that the school is invited to offer special programs to compensate for public opinion effects.

The main goal of the study is to analyse a rarely investigated relationship between leisure-time activities and Schwartz's 10 basic values in adolescents. The sample included 1,349 Serbian high-school students (44% boys; 62% vocational schools). The leisure-time questionnaire consisted of groups of items related to hobbies, sports, following different themes/shows in the media (TV, Internet, magazines), listening to music, going out, attending cultural and sports events, activities on the Internet and social networking sites usage. Values (Selfdirection, Stimulation, Hedonism, Achievement, Power, Security, Conformity, Tradition, Benevolence and Universalism) were examined by the PVQ21 questionnaire. Factor analysis yielded seven factors of leisure activities (45.96% explained variance), defined by the following contents: pop culture; music, culture & arts; movies, TV shows and the internet; science & politics; IT; going out; sports. Correlation analysis showed that the assessment of different activities was significantly related to the distinctive sets of basic values, which was additionally confirmed by multiple regression analysis including basic values as predictors and demographic variables as controls. The main conclusion of the research is that values are important motivators of activities during free time and that different values are mostly expressed through different activities, but also that different activities can be motivated by the same basic values. ; Glavni cilj studije je analiza nedovoljno istraženog odnosa između aktivnosti tokom slobodnog vremena i Švarcovih 10 bazičnih vrednosti kod adolescenata. Uzorak je obuhvatio 1.349 srpskih srednjoškolaca (44% dečaka; 62% stručnih škola). Upitnik o slobodnom vremenu sastojao se od grupa pitanja vezanih za hobije, sport, praćenje različitih tema/emisija u medijima (TV, internet, časopisi), slušanje muzike, izlaske, posećivanje kulturnih i sportskih događaja, aktivnosti na internetu i korišćenje društvenih mreža. Vrednosti (samousmeravanje, ...

There is growing research evidence that political ideology is an important determinant of complying with the rules and recommendations aimed at fighting the coronavirus. This paper analyses the role of the left-right ideology self-positioning in supporting the government measures in fighting the COVID–19 pandemic and practicing the physical distancing guidelines in Serbia. The study was conducted online on a sample of 656 respondents. Two hierarchical multiple regression models with age, the COVID–19 experience, the perception of risk posed by the coronavirus, and political ideology predicting: (1) policy support and (2) physical distancing were tested. The results show that policy support was predicted by increasing risk perception and the right-leaning ideology. Risk perception predicted physical distancing practices, and so did age and the COVID–19 experience. The results also indicate that the relationship between risk perception and both policy support and physical distancing is moderated by political ideology. Perceiving the ongoing pandemic as a greater threat is related to higher policy support and physical distancing among the right-leaning persons only. They seem especially sensitive to the perceived threat.

Sve je više podataka koji ukazuju da je politička ideologija važna determinanta poštovanja pravila i preporuka za borbu protiv korona virusa. Ovaj rad analizira ulogu samopozicioniranja u odnosu na levičarsku ili desničarsku ideologiju u podržavanju vladinih mera za borbu protiv pandemije COVID-19 i sprovođenju preporuka za održavanje fizičke distance u Srbiji. Istraživanje je sprovedeno onlajn, na uzorku od 656 ispitanika. Testirana su dva hijerarhijska regresiona modela u kojima su uzrast, iskustvo sa COVID-19, percepcija opasnosti koju korona virus predstavlja i politička ideologija bili prediktori: (1) podrške politici (vlade, za borbu protiv pandemije, prim. prev.) i (2) (praktikovanja, prim. prev.) fizičkog distanciranja. Rezultati pokazuju da se stepen podrške politici (vlade za borbu protiv pandemije, prim. prev.) može predvideti na osnovu rastuće percepcije rizika i izraženije desničarske ideologije. Percepcija rizika predviđa održavanje fizičke distance, a predviđaju ga i uzrast i iskustvo sa COVID-19. Rezultati takođe pokazuju da je politička ideologija moderator povezanosti između percepcije rizika s jedne strane i podržavanja politike (vlade za borbu protiv pandemije, prim. prev.) i održavanja fizičke distance s druge strane. Opažanje pandemije kao veće pretnje je povezano sa snažnijim podržavanjem politike (vlade za borbu protiv pandemije, prim. prev.) i fizičkom distancom samo kod desničarski orijentisanih osoba. Čini se da su oni naročito osetljivi na opaženu pretnju. ; There is growing research evidence that political ideology is an important determinant of complying with the rules and recommendations aimed at fighting the coronavirus. This paper analyses the role of the left-right ideology self-positioning in supporting the government measures in fighting the COVID-19 pandemic and practicing the physical distancing guidelines in Serbia. The study was conducted online on a sample of 656 respondents. Two hierarchical multiple regression models with age, the COVID-19 experience, the perception of risk posed by the coronavirus, and political ideology predicting: (1) policy support and (2) physical distancing were tested. The results show that policy support was predicted by increasing risk perception and the right-leaning ideology. Risk perception predicted physical distancing practices, and so did age and the COVID-19 experience. The results also indicate that the relationship between risk perception and both policy support and physical distancing is moderated by political ideology. Perceiving the ongoing pandemic as a greater threat is related to higher policy support and physical distancing among the right-leaning persons only. They seem especially sensitive to the perceived threat.

Across the globe, societal reactions to the on-going Covid-19 pandemic revealed a close interaction between politics and the ability of societies to effectively deal with the pandemic. On the one side, political factors affected perceptions and preferred policies regarding the pandemic, while on the other side, the pandemic – the threat posed by it, restrictions, controversies – have affected political processes, and individual political attitudes and evaluations. In this interaction between government actions and citizens' political attitudes, mass media are likely to play an important role. Normatively, the main role of the media is to transfer important information to the public in an objective and unbiased manner. It is, however, well known that this ideal image does not always fit the reality and that media are sometimes politically and ideologically biased.

- Young people primarily engage in socialising and entertainment in their free time. The focus is on private life-family/ friends and consumerism prevail over social engagement and self-development. Certain forms of social anomie and pathology are considered widespread and even normal for society. This perception, however, is not enough to trigger a revolt or an attempt to change this state by personal engagement. — The family is a significant source of support for young people during the period in which they grow up; it provides them with financial, emotional and social support. However, the family takes on obligations that should have been assumed by the state, which places a heavy burden on rather scarce family resources. As a consequence, young people neglect the role of social institutions as well as their own responsibility for the position they are in, just as they overlook their own responsibility for changing the society they live in. — There is a widespread desire among young people to leave the country; young people in Serbia lead the way in this aspect compared to other countries in the region. The main reason for emigration is the desire for a better standard of living, but the intensity of this desire is more related to a pessimistic view of the future of the Serbian society than to the difficulty of the current financial situation in which youth find themselves. — Completion of a higher level of education by young people of different socio-economic status is unequally distributed. Higher socio-economic status "guarantees" a higher completed level of education, higher academic aspirations, a more positive status of the degree and a successful career. The system directly encourages precariousness of both work and the worker, as has also been confirmed through analysis of the factors affecting job choices – salary and job security are the dominant factors. — Young people are not interested in politics; they do not discuss the topic, nor do they seek information on politics. Institutions of society and the state are not something that warrants the trust of young people, and this is especially true of the political parties. There is widespread dissatisfaction with the state of democracy and the status of democratic values in Serbia; nevertheless, there is support for the democratic political system in general. Serbia's accession to the European Union evokes positive associations and a view that it would have positive effects on the Serbian economy, political system and cultural identity