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AbstractIn January 1997 the author embarked on a study within a three-year research project, supported by the Swedish Research Council on the Humanities and Social Sciences. The title of the project is "Russian Self-Images and Foreign-Policy Orientations in a Time of Change." Its aim is to identify views of Russian politicians, mainly at intermediate levels, regarding Russia's role and mission in the international context and also regarding key issues related to internal developments. Within the project, interviews are undertaken with parliamentarians in Moscow, as well as with regional parliamentarians in St. Petersburg, Volgograd and Khabarovsk. This will provide for insights as regards similarities and differences between central and regional levels of political life. In order to calibrate the working tools and to test theoretical key assumptions, a pilot study was undertaken in the city of Perm in September 1997. In this article, a comparison is made between the results of the pilot study and the findings emerging from the regular rounds of interviews conducted in St. Petersburg in November 1997 and January 1998, in Volgograd in May 1998 and in Khabarovsk in November 1998. All in all, the article builds upon seventy-six in-depth interviews with regional politicians.

The seemingly perennial Eurozone crisis has been front-page news for several years now, but some aspects do not make the media coverage. In Crisis and Migration attention is geared away from the crisis as a protracted but acute phenomenon that will eventually come to pass. Instead, the contributors pose the possibility that the crisis may be a symptom of a long-term, chronic decline of the European Union in relation to other parts of the world. The authors analyze the current economic situation and its effects and implications on migration and migration policy. Alongside the more senior author

Majority cultures and the everyday politics of ethnic difference -- Mobility, migration control and geopolitical imaginations -- Europe in peril -- City marketing in a dual city : discourses of progress and problems in post-industrial Malmö? -- Debating the rural and the urban : majority white racialized discourses on the countryside and the city -- Local responses to immigrants in the Midwestern United States -- Belonging and entitlement : shifting discourses of difference in multiethnic neighbourhoods in the UK -- Marginal majority and dishevelled otherness : debating Gypsyness on the Greek-Albanian border -- The power of stereotypes and enemy images : the case of the Chechen wars -- European declarations on minorities : the Kurdish quest for Turkey's membership of the European Union -- Local media representations of Islam before 9/11 -- Whose house is this? : the Palestinian 'other' and the construction of Jewish Israeli identity -- The making and breaking of difference : concluding thoughts

Putin's fourth term as president (2018–2024) has involved new challenges for Russia's hybrid regime. COVID-19 hit the Kremlin at a sensitive time, when the old institutional forces had been demounted and new arrangements, including extensive constitutional changes, had yet to become cemented. There is an emerging gulf between state rhetoric, PR events, and patriotic performances, on the one hand, and economic chaos, social disorder and dysfunctional state capacity, on the other, which is likely to reduce system legitimacy and cause increased reliance on repressive methods. This article examines Kremlin legitimation efforts across Beetham's three dimensions: rules, beliefs, and actions. We argue that the regime's legitimation efforts in 2020–21 have failed to reverse emerging cleavages in public opinion since 2018. Increased reliance on repression and manipulation in this period, combined with the contrast between regime promises and observable realities on the ground, speak not of strength, but of the Kremlin's increased weakness and embattlement

Putin's fourth term as president (2018–2024) has involved new challenges for Russia's hybrid regime. COVID-19 hit the Kremlin at a sensitive time, when the old institutional forces had been demounted and new arrangements, including extensive constitutional changes, had yet to become cemented. There is an emerging gulf between state rhetoric, PR events, and patriotic performances, on the one hand, and economic chaos, social disorder and dysfunctional state capacity, on the other, which is likely to reduce system legitimacy and cause increased reliance on repressive methods. This article examines Kremlin legitimation efforts across Beetham's three dimensions: rules, beliefs, and actions. We argue that the regime's legitimation efforts in 2020–21 have failed to reverse emerging cleavages in public opinion since 2018. Increased reliance on repression and manipulation in this period, combined with the contrast between regime promises and observable realities on the ground, speak not of strength, but of the Kremlin's increased weakness and embattlement.

Migration-related events have received overwhelming attention in mainstream media coverage within Europe in recent years. This study investigates the metaphorical framing of migration issues by comparing dominant discursive patterns from two national and two regional daily newspapers in Sweden and Germany. Applying a corpus-based critical metaphor analysis, the spotlight falls on metaphors prevalent in media articles published during the EU Valletta Summit on migration held in November 2015. The article is inspired by Lakoff and Johnson's classic work, Metaphors We Live By, according to which metaphors are components of everyday language with a pervasive influence on thoughts and actions. Adhering to this logic, metaphors become most powerful when taken for granted (»naturalized«) and therefore evade readers' attention. Apart from tracing naturalized metaphorical framings in mainstream Swedish and German media coverage, this study discusses how the discursive connotations conveyed by dominant metaphors are likely to influence readers' interpretation of migration-related issues and policies.

With the elimination of Soviet state communism in the early 1990s, the ideational foundation of politics in the five Central Asian former Soviet republics had to undergo fundamental rebuilding. Instead of the defunct basis of Soviet-style Marxism-Leninism, the rulers of the suddenly independent Central Asian states urgently had to identify other ways and means of legitimizing their hold on power. The following is an analysis of how this quest has fared in the case of Kazakhstan, a resource-rich state with regional great-power aspirations.

Ereignisse zum Thema Flucht und Migration erhielten während der letzten Jahre erhöhte Aufmerksamkeit in der medialen Berichterstattung innerhalb Europas. Dieser Artikel untersucht die Verwendung von Metaphern in Bezug auf Geflüchtete durch den Vergleich von Mediendiskursen in je zwei nationalen und zwei regionalen Tageszeitungen in Schweden und Deutschland. Im Rahmen einer korpus-basierten Analyse stehen die Metaphern im Fokus, die in der Berichterstattung während des EU-Valletta-Gipfels zum Thema Migration vom November 2015 überwiegend zu finden sind. Dieser Artikel ist inspiriert von Lakoffs und Johnsons bahnbrechender Veröffentlichung Metaphors We Live By, der zufolge Metaphern als Bestandteile alltäglicher Sprache einen tiefgreifenden Einfluss auf Gedankengänge wie auch Handlungen ausüben. Nach dieser Logik sind Metaphern dann am einflussreichsten, wenn sie als selbstverständlich angesehen werden und sich dem Bewusstsein der Leser_innen entziehen. Neben der Aufdeckung vermeintlich normalisierter metaphorischer Redewendungen in schwedischer wie deutscher Berichterstattung wird auch erörtert, wie die den Metaphern innewohnenden Konnotationen die Wahrnehmung migrationspolitischer Fragen zu beeinflussen vermögen. ; Migration-related events have received overwhelming attention in mainstream media coverage within Europe in recent years. This study investigates the metaphorical framing of migration issues by comparing dominant discursive patterns from two national and two regional daily newspapers in Sweden and Germany. Applying a corpus-based critical metaphor analysis, the spotlight falls on metaphors prevalent in media articles published during the EU Valletta Summit on migration held in November 2015. The article is inspired by Lakoff and Johnson's classic work, Metaphors We Live By, according to which metaphors are components of everyday language with a pervasive influence on thoughts and actions. Adhering to this logic, metaphors become most powerful when taken for granted (»naturalized«) and therefore evade readers' attention. Apart from tracing naturalized metaphorical framings in mainstream Swedish and German media coverage, this study discusses how the discursive connotations conveyed by dominant metaphors are likely to influence readers' interpretation of migration-related issues and policies.

De senaste årens långvariga eurozonkris inom EU har ofta gett upphov till förstasidesnyheter. Däremot har dess mera långsiktiga implikationer mera sällan diskuterats i media. I Crisis and Migration analyserar författarna såväl situationen idag som dess effekter på europeisk politik i allmänhet och migrationspolitik i synnerhet. I ett antal fallstudier från olika EU-länder belyser de hur den ekonomiska nedgången påverkat det dagliga livet och dagspolitiken på lokal, nationell och europeisk nivå.Författarna diskuterar krisen från olika, ömsesidigt berikande, analysnivåer, från makro till mikro. De menar att krisen bör ses som ett symptom på en mera stadigvarande nedgång för EU i relation till andra regioner snarare än som ett akut och övergående fenomen. Det anser att de långsiktiga konsekvenserna av detta måste analyseras i samhällsdebatten och att det är nödvändigt att forskare engagerar sig i en kritisk diskussion.Förutom väletablerade akademiska författare medverkar i Crisis and Migration en ny generation forskare vilka kan bli tongivande inom fältet inom några år. Boken utgör angelägen läsning för forskare och studenter inom migrationspolitik och Europastudier, liksom för politiker, praktiker och journalister. ; The ongoing Eurozone crisis frequently makes front-page news, but aspects of its deeper implications are more rarely discussed in media. In Crisis and Migration the authors analyse the current situation and its effects on politics and migration. In case studies they show how the economic downturn affects daily life on a local, national, and European level.The authors reflect on the crisis from mutually rewarding micro-to-macro perspectives. Their focus is geared away from the crisis as an acute phenomenon – instead they investigate it as a potential symptom of a chronic decline of the EU in relation to other regions. It is imperative to address the long-term consequences of the development and that scholars engage in that critical discussion.Alongside its senior authors, Crisis and Migration features ...

President Vladimir Putin's claim and policies to resurrect Russia as a great power have been a cornerstone for the construction of the hegemonic position of power that he has for so long successfully exerted and upheld. This paper discusses the Russian great power ambitions in relation to national identity and popular appeal, and puts them in relation to the upcoming Winter Games in Sochi in 2014. The paper examines how this mega-event is discursively constructed as a manifestation of Russia's return to great power status, and as such is meant to convey certain messages internally as well as externally. The successful carrying out of the Games would no doubt constitute an important component in the undergirding of the – otherwise visibly dwindling - legitimacy of President Putin. They would be an important display window for manifesting the prowess of the Russian great power, and the location of the Games to the Caucasian city of Sochi in the Russian South would have a deeply symbolical aspect. If the Games can be successfully carried out in a region that has for so long been experienced as volatile and unruly, then it must surely mean that internal order has been restored in the Russian great power. However, it is argued in the article that there are several potential tripwires on the way towards achieving these symbolically important goals. Problems of security, terrorism, geopolitical volatility, large-scale corruption and inter-ethnic tension loom large, and may all turn out to be formidable obstacles and render the hosting of the Games a counter-productive enterprise. The paper puts official discourse (as in official speeches, media interviews, et cetera) in relation to scholarly analyses of the problems and potentialities of the Sochi Olympics, all in the general framework of Russia's self-image and identity as a great power.