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Despite its wide usage, the Guttman scaling model is subject to several impracticalities, particularly its criteria for unidimensionality. Close examination of the application of the model to 2 sets of att data, apparently meeting these criteria, reveals both relatively unconvincing fits of the model to the data & no guarantee that the data are not multi-dimensional in character. Reference is made to other res which has found the simple psychometric scoring procedures providing more valid results than the Guttman procedure, even when the original data sampled came from a Guttman model. It is recommended that the Guttman model be reserved for describing behavior having relatively high internal structure (ie, where CR is between .96 & 1.00), such as SD, org'al hierarchies & evolutionary stages. AA.

Data obtained from a Survey Research Center post-election study shows a newspaper's perceived support of a candidate was associated with about a 6% edge in the vote for that candidate.

A single question re the police handling of the demonstrators at the Democratic Convention in Chicago was asked in the 1968 post-election study of the Survey Res Center. The following distribution of replies was obtained: Unaware of confrontation 12%; Aware but no opinion 12%; Too much force 19% 25% with opinion; Right amount 32%, 42% with opinion; Not enough force 25%, 33% with opinion. The question used indicated that there were more Amer's who thought that the police did not use enough force than who shared the sentiments expressed in the Walker Report. Some surprising factors were associated with extremes in feelings that the police used too much force. Close to 80% of black R's under age 50 thought the police used too much force in Chicago vs 6% of R's who voted for Wallace (dropping to 2% for early Wallace supporters). Diff's in Negrowhite att's could not be explained by racial diff's in att's toward Vietnam, Vietnam war protestors, policemen, or the legitimacy of soc protest. As expected, younger & better-educated people were more likely to feel the police used too much force. However, it was only the Coll-graduate segment of the under30 age grouping who showed a majority thinking the police used too much force--among people under age 30 with less educ, att's about Chicago were virtually no diff from those expressed by older R's. Outside of a few individuals with advanced educ, R's over 40 yrs of age evidenced highest approval of police action. Diff's between supporters of various presidential candidates (eg, E. McCarthy, R. Reagan) were small by comparison, as were diff's by party identification. Among people who ended up voting for H. Humphrey, 33% thought the police used too much force vs 22% of Nixon voters. Preliminary analyses indicate that the Chicago Convention had almost no direct impact on voting behavior & that, if anything, Humphrey may have lost more support among voters who took a hard line on Chicago than among those who thought the police had used too much force. AA.

The development of cognitive consistency or 'balance' theories have provided soc sci'ts with a powerful descriptive model for understanding the formation & dynamics of PO. 2 att's, toward Vietnam War policies & toward Vietnam protestors, which should be highly related according to balance theory formulations, are considered. The observed r of .23, obtained from a nat'l probability sample of the US electorate in the Fall of 1968 does not argue well for the balance model being a strong determinant of P 0 across these attitude areas. However the model was much better supported among the Coll graduate segment of the sample than among those who had not finished their HSch educ (explaining 6 times as much variance in the former then the latter pop grouping), & some reasons for this diff'ial are proposed. Essentially the same pattern emerged re the relations between these att's & those toward police handling of demonstrators at the 1968 Democratic Nat'l Convention. AA.

The lack of systematic longitudinal data on the total use of time in the US seriously hampers the delineating of any trends in TV viewing habits. This gap was esp evident when the authors attempted to interpret figures on TV viewing for a recent study of the Amer's use of time, which was part of a larger 12-nation project. The figures arrived at of 90 minutes of daily viewing as a primary activity & 40 minutes as a secondary activity amount to more than an hour less than those commonly assumed by media res'ers. This discrepancy does not seem to be related to any methodological diff's in estimating viewing time, as both generous & frugal estimates have been generated by similar procedures. Even using the lower figures, TV still holds a commanding lead over the next most popular leisure activity-visiting. Over 28% of all leisure time is spent primarily watching TV, a figure more than double that for the rest of the MM combined-12%. It is claimed that of the 2 major 'mass' innovations in this cent, the automobile has transformed Amer life spatially, but it is TV that has revolutionized it temporally. Graphic comparison of US viewing time with that found in 10 Eastern & Western European survey sites indicated the amazing degree to which total viewing time in a society can be predicted from the ownership rate. This graph suggests that the major change in Amer viewing habits may have been from a shift of viewing as a primary activity to viewing as a secondary activity. Data on the motivations of viewers are sorely needed. It would be esp useful to have viewer's degree of attachment to programs scaled from total & planned involvement, through passive acceptance, to complete inattention to the set. Potentialities for TV change do not seem great. Modified AA.

Includes bibliographies. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Addenda (2L.) and rev. leaves for p.570-575 inserted.