Suchergebnisse

Die Kontinuitäten im Bereich des Wohnungsbaus und in der Wohnraumlenkung gegenüber der zweiten Hälfte der 1950er Jahre sind in der DDR unübersehbar. Diese betrafen insbesondere (1) die 1955 begonnene Rationalisierung des Wohnungsbaus und die Entwicklung der Plattentechnologie; (2) die Konzentration der Bautätigkeit auf industrielle Standorte; (3) die Stagnation der Anzahl gebauter Wohneinheiten aufrecht niedrigem Niveau; (4) die Beibehaltung des Mietpreisstopps trotz steigender Kosten und zunehmenden Wohlstands der Werktätigen; (5) die kaum veränderte Wohnraumlenkungspraxis trotz einer neuen Wohnraumlenkungsverordnung (WRLVO) vom 14. September 1967, die jedoch die wirtschaftlichen Funktionen der Wohnraumlenkung verstärkten. Die Ausführungen zeigen insgesamt, dass die Spannung zwischen Kontinuität einerseits und dem Hervortreten neuer Probleme andererseits im Bereich von Wohnungsbaupolitik und Wohnraumlenkung in der DDR der 1960er Jahren es ermöglichte, Wohnungspolitik Anfang der 1970er Jahre als zentral soziales und politisches Problem zu begreifen und zu definieren. Diese Entwicklung bildet den roten Faden des vorliegenden Beitrags. (ICA2)

The central thrust of the article is to analyze the changes in the institutional dynamics of peripheral institutions in a system deemed to be completely centralized. The tension and rivalry between the regional organizations of Party and State gradually stabilized towards the end of the 1950's giving rise to an increased division of labor and the creation of collusive transactions between the peripheral institutions. This led most notably to the transformation of the role of the Party first secretary in the Bezirk. Formally responsible for the strict application of Party directives, the article seeks to show how the creation of a dense network of clienteles and the increasing interdependence between the Party, the State and industry on the regional level contributed to the transformation of the first secretary into an advocate of regional interests in Berlin. ; L'article vise à analyser les évolutions dans la dynamique institutionnelle périphérique d'un Etat que l'on représente comme parfaitement centralisé. Les rapports conflictuels entre le Parti, les administrations étatiques et les entreprises au niveau régional se pacifient progressivement à partir de la fin des années 1950, permettant la mise en place d'une division du travail et de circuits d'échange conduisant notamment à la transformation du rôle des Premiers secrétaires des Bezirk. Formellement chargés d'appliquer de la manière la plus stricte les résolutions du Parti, l'article montre comment la mise en place d'un dense réseau de relations clientélistes et l'interdépendance croissante avec les entreprises et les organes étatiques du territoire contribue à transformer les Premiers secrétaires en courtiers vis-à-vis du centre politique.

Since 1989, the historiography of the political system of the GDR has been dominated by the return of the totalitarian paradigm which has placed the Party, the repressive organs and ideology at the core of the analysis. In my study of housing policy, I sought to examine the possibility of analyzing this political and administrative field by using the tools forged in other contexts to study public action and the sociology of the State. In the first part of the thesis, we analyzed the successive changes in housing construction policies as a field in which a network of specialized Party and State officials played a central role in defining policy alternatives through their intellectual and technical investments. In the second part, the emphasis was placed on the regulation of access to housing, a policy area which did not give rise to a specialized bureaucracy or network of actors at the central State level. The regulation in this policy area was outlined in a decree of 1955 which institutionalized a plurality of means of access to housing and principals of distribution of scarce resources. In this part, we studied in particular the capacity of statistical and bureaucratic categories as well as written norms to structure the relationship between central and peripheral authorities. In the last part, we studied the transactions between peripheral institutions as a partially autonomous dynamic powered by strategies of resource maximization in their relationship with the central State and Party machinery as well as the pressures and strategies of ordinary citizens seeking more adequate housing. ; Depuis 1989, l'historiographie du système politique de la RDA a été marquée par un retour en force du paradigme totalitaire qui a placé le Parti unique, l'appareil policier et l'idéologie au cœur de l'analyse. Dans l'examen des politiques du logement, nous avons déplacé l'analyse du registre essentialiste constitutif de la lecture totalitaire vers une interrogation sur les pratiques et les interactions qui permettent de ...

The surprising return of Totalitarism. Reflexions on the «1989 Turn» and the GDR Historiography.
Jay Rowell [ 131-150].
In the aftermath of German unification, studies of the GDR and the transition in the new Länder have been to a large extent influenced by the return of the totalitarian paradigm and the debate on the German Sonderweg. This article proposes an analysis of the political and intellectual context determining the reemergence and the multiple uses of this long forgotten analytical framework in the social sciences in Germany. Despite an extensive modification ending in what one could term an «incompetent totalitarianism», theoretical and conceptual limitations have been at the root of a recent turn to a more empirical approach to the historiography of the GDR.

The word Eurocracy has resonance throughout out Europe but in reality we know little about the people who work in and around the EU or how they fit into its large bureaucratic framework. Based on extensive fieldwork, this book addresses this problem by exploring the MEPs, diplomats, civil servants and commissioners that work in and around the EU. Philippe Aldrin, Sciences Po Aix, France Willy Beauvallet, University of Strasbourg, France Filippa Chatzistavrou, ELIAMEP foundation, Athens, Greece Guillaume Courty, Sciences Po Lille, France François-Xavier Dudouet, University of Paris-Dauphine, France Eric Grémont, Observatory of Capitalist structures (OpesC) Frederic Lebaron, University of Picardie, France Sébastien Michon, University of Strasbourg, France Hélénè Michel, University of Strasbourg, France Audrey Pageaut, University of Strasbourg, France Cécile Robert, Sciences Po Lyon, France Antoine Vion, University of Aix-Marseille, France Anne-Catherine, University of Paris I Sorbonne, France

"The term 'Eurocracy' is a word that exists in all European languages. Yet beyond fantasized representations of the 'Brussels bubble', we know little about members of the European Parliament, Commissioners, European civil servants, lobbyists, members of the Governing Council of the European Central Bank, European trade unionists, diplomats and journalists who work in or around the EU institutions? What are their social and professional trajectories, the type of authority they possess, and how does it matter? Based on extensive fieldwork, this volume aims at answering these questions by building upon Pierre Bourdieu's theory of the field of bureaucracy. 45 years after Altiero Spinelli's 'The Eurocrats', this book sheds new light on the relational structures that underpin the functioning of the EU polity. Specialists of European affairs, scholars and students in politics, administration and sociology as well as citizens will find original insights to understanding EU institutions and why the European project appears to be in crisis."--

"Since the 1990s, the European Union has sought to create a harmonised socio-economic classification scheme which symbolically unifies the social structures of the 28 member States in a common tool of description. Relying heavily on expert networks, this project, with numerous potential policy applications, has so far failed to come to fruition. After examining the scientific networks and institutional resources of an initial model which was at the centre of discussions for nearly ten years, the article explores the reason for its ultimate failure. Combining science studies and a political sociology approach, the article highlights the effects of conflicting legitimacies within expert networks, the lack of diversified institutional resources and contacts of the dominant experts, the poor fit of sociologically based methods to an EU administrative culture more focused on knowledge based on economic methodologies, and the lack of a wider European debate and mobilisation on inequalities which, in national histories, were key to the creation of national socio-economic classification schemes." (Author's abstract, IAB-Doku) ((en))