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International relations theorists have devoted insufficient attention to the processes through which state sovereignty is being transformed in the modern world. The human rights issue offers a case study of a gradual and significant reconceptualization of state sovereignty. In the human rights issue-area, the primary movers behind the international actions leading to changing understandings of sovereignty are transnational nonstate actors organized in a principled issue-network, including international and domestic nongovernmental organizations, parts of global and regional intergovernmental organizations, and private foundations. These networks differ from other forms of transnational relations in that they are driven primarily by shared values or principled ideas. Through a comparative study of the impact of international human rights pressures on Argentina and Mexico in the 1970s and 1980s, this article explores the emergence and the nature of the principled human rights issue-network and the conditions under which it can contribute to changing both state understandings about sovereignty and state human rights practices.

Se me elogió y se me criticó duramente por haber preconizado la industrialización para América Latina, menos en mi país. El país vivía en las nubes. En estos años no se había estudiado las ideas de CEPAL en Argentina. [¿Por qué?] Yo no estuve aquí en el país, así no sé, pero tal vez por oposición a mí. Tal vez.Raúl PrebischInterview, 23 October 1985In much of Latin America during the 1950s, Raúl Prebisch, then Executive Secretary of the Comisión Económica para América Latina (CEPAL, known in English as the Economic Commission for Latin America, or ECLA), was recognized as a progressive and innovative development theorist and policy activist. In certain government circles in the United States, meanwhile, he was viewed with suspicion as a leftist critic of standard economic wisdom. Yet in his home country of Argentina during the same period, Prebisch was commonly identified with both conservative groups and liberal economic thought.

The WHO/UNICEF International Code of Marketing of Breast-milk Substitutes was passed by the 1981 World Health Assembly. Subsequent arrangements between the Nestlé Corporation and its nongovernmental critics for the implementation of the code indicate what is possible within the normative framework of an emerging regime on investment and transnational corporations. In the baby food case the context was particularly positive. A high level of consensual knowledge, the successful strategies of nongovernmental organizations, the susceptibility of the involved industries to pressure, the brevity of deliberations, and the conducive atmosphere of the international organization setting all helped negotiators to develop a detailed code of marketing. Actions inside and outside the UN system combined to delegitimize commonly accepted practices, modify global marketing schemes, and alter national health care practices. In other issue-areas, however, such as Pharmaceuticals, the same positive convergence of factors does not yet exist, and the achievement of equally precise codes will be more difficult.

Der WHO/UNICEF-Kodex zur Vermarktung von Muttermilchsubstituten vom Mai 1981 wurde am 25. Januar 1984 von Nestle unterzeichnet: ein Ergebnis transnationaler Kooperation zwischen internationalen Organisationen, nationalen Regierungen, Unternehmen und nicht zuletzt den NRO's (Nichtregierungsorganisationen) unterschiedlichster Provenienz. Dieses Beispiel von der Entstehung eines 'Regimes' zeigt gleichzeitig die Grenze des Machbaren im Hinblick auf internationale Verhaltenskodices. Eine eingehende Analyse des Zustandekommens der oben angeführten Übereinkunft zeigt, daß es auf anderen Gebieten kein analoges Zusammentreffen positiver Faktoren gibt. (SWP-Tth)

With reference to the Jan. 25, 1984 agreement by Nestlé S.A. to implement fully the WHO/UNICEF International Code of Marketing of Breast-milk Substitutes.

Research on international norms has yet to answer satisfactorily some of our own most important questions about the origins of norms and the conditions under which some norms win out over others. The authors argue that international relations (IR) theorists should engage more with research in moral psychology and neuroscience to advance theories of norm emergence and resonance. This Element first provides an overview of six areas of research in neuroscience and moral psychology that hold particular promise for norms theorists and international relations theory more generally. It next surveys existing literature in IR to see how literature from moral psychology is already being put to use, and then recommends a research agenda for norms researchers engaging with this literature. The authors do not believe that this exchange should be a one-way street, however, and they discuss various ways in which the IR literature on norms may be of interest and of use to moral psychologists, and of use to advocacy communities.

In the years following the attacks of 9/11, the CIA adopted a program involving the capture, extraordinary rendition, secret detention, and harsh interrogation of suspected terrorists in the war on terror. As the details of this program have become public, a heated debate has ensued, focusing narrowly on whether or not this program "worked" by disrupting terror plots and saving American lives. By embracing such a narrow view of the program's efficacy, this debate has failed to take into account the broader consequences of the CIA program. We move beyond current debates by evaluating the impact of the CIA program on the human rights practices of other states. We show that collaboration in the CIA program is associated with a worsening in the human rights practices of authoritarian countries. This finding illustrates how states learn from and influence one another through covert security cooperation and the importance of democratic institutions in mitigating the adverse consequences of the CIA program. This finding also underscores why a broad perspective is critical when assessing the consequences of counterterrorism policies.

Thomas Risse y Kathryn Sikkink plantean en este texto la importancia del impacto de las normas internacionales en las políticas domésticas y proponen un "modelo en espiral" en cinco fases para comprender los cambios en la interiorización de los derechos humanos como norma por parte de los estados. Desarrollan una teoría que explica las etapas y los mecanismos a través de los cuales las normas internacionales generan cambios en el comportamiento de los actores internacionales y transnacionales, y que ayuda a comprender mejor el impacto general de las normas en la política internacional. Este proceso mediante el cual las normas internacionales son interiorizadas e implementadas domésticamente puede ser entendido según los autores como un proceso de socialización ; In this article Thomas Risse y Kathryn Sikkink analyze the importance of international norms impact over domestic politics and propose a five phases "spiral model" to explain the changes in human rights internalization by the states. They develop a theoretical framework that explains the stages and mechanisms by which international norms promote changes in international and transnational actors behavior, and that serves to a better comprehension of the general norms impact over international politics. The process by which international norms are internalized and implented on the domestic level can be understood, according to the authors, as a socialization process