Suchergebnisse

El estudio sobre el activismo político y la participación de los ciudadanos no nacionales se considera un tema estratégico para muchas investigaciones a nivel local e internacional. Recientemente, aparece una nueva perspectiva de estudio en diferentes autores que pone el enfoque en la participación en un nivel más amplio que el de la Unión Europea. Hay numerosos estudios que tratan el tema de la participación política de los ciudadanos no comunitarios y también de los residentes comunitarios. Sin embargo, faltan estudios que pongan sistemáticamente en comparación los tres diferentes estatus de ciudadanía que se manifiestan en el contexto de la Unión Europea. Este artículo se centra en tres categorías de individuos, que se diferencian en base a la dimensión formal y sustancial de la ciudadanía: ciudadanos comunitarios, neo-comunitarios y no comunitarios. Este trabajo se centra en dos contextos urbanos de la eurozona mediterránea, Alicante (España) y Florencia (Italia) que se pueden considerar most similar systems por la historia migratoria. ; The study of political activism and participation of non-national citizens has been treated as a crucial theme in many studies concerning the local and national level; recently, however, a new perspective has been considered by scholars, focusing on the participation of non-national people in the broader context of the European Union. There are several researches dealing with the political participation of non-communitarian citizens, as well as studies regarding the political participation of EU citizens. However, what seems necessary is a systematic analysis, comparing at one time the three different possible statuses a citizen could have in the context of the European Union. This article focuses on three categories of people, differing on the formal and substantial status of citizenship: communitarian, neo-communitarian and non-communitarian citizens. The analysis has been conducted in two urban contexts of the Mediterranean Eurozone, Alicante (Spain) and Florence (Italy), which could be considered "most similar cases" for their history of migration.

In 1848 the moderado administration of General José Joaquín Herrera staged public ceremonies to honour the 'polko' national guardsmen who had died defending Mexico City during the recent war with the USA. Herrera's government attempted to use the rituals to alleviate the pain of defeat and bring together a divided nation, as well as to reorganise the national guard into a military force manned by the well-to-do that would help preserve political stability and social harmony. Herrera's state-building project ultimately failed because the ceremonies could not surmount the tensions that afflicted Mexico. In the long run, the inability to restructure the national guard allowed Mexican statesmen in the late 1800s to disband that military force and to diminish its status in national patriotic discourse.

This paper considers the effects of fiscal policy in a two‐sector small open economy, with unionized labour markets, and heterogeneous types of imperfect competition in the product markets. By making the marginal propensity to import endogenous, the paper shows that there is no robust or general relationship between the balanced‐budget multiplier and the degree of imperfect competition. The fiscal multiplier with distortionary taxes can be positive or negative, depending on the size of the importables sector and the foreign firm's market share. The normative rule for fiscal policy depends on the size of the fiscal multiplier. An increase in economic activity is insufficient by itself to induce the government to over‐supply public goods relative to the Walrasian case.