Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Contents -- Introduction -- Brazil: A Land of Contradictions -- Native Americans Go From Berdache to Two-Spirit -- Polynesian Transgender Populations -- The Third Reich -- Transgender America -- Hijras -- The Future Is Nonbinary -- Timeline -- Glossary -- For More Information -- For Further Reading -- Bibliography -- Index -- Back Cover

Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Foreword -- Introduction -- Arms Sales Around the World -- The Effects of the Arms Trade -- Nuclear Proliferation -- Strategies for Addressing the Arms Trade -- Periodical and Internet Sources Bibliography -- For Further Discussion -- Organizations to Contact -- Bibliography of Books -- Index -- Back Cover

Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Contents -- Introduction -- A New Conservative Agenda -- The Search For Answers -- AIDS and The Fight Against Stigma -- Dealing With It Alone -- Changing The Face of AIDS -- Education and Medication -- The Future of AIDS -- Timeline -- Glossary -- For More Information -- For Further Reading -- Bibliography -- Index -- Back Cover

Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Foreword -- Introduction -- Stopping Climate Change -- Current Geoengineering Theories -- Why a Global Effort Is Needed -- Looking to the Future -- Periodical and Internet Sources Bibliography -- For Further Discussion -- Organizations to Contact -- Bibliography of Books -- Index -- Back Cover

This article aims to discuss the intersections of the anti-feminist and anti-immigration agendas in the Portuguese far-right through critical discourse analysis of the PNR and Chega's positions. These political actors convey nationalist, racist and anti-multiculturalist messages at the same time that they show their hostility towards gender equality policies, using racial, cisgender and heteronormative categories as criteria to define whose citizens are worthy of defense/protection. Recently, they have also co-opted gender equality agendas to justify anti-immigration positions, specifically opposing the hosting of refugees, depicted as a potential threat to the imagined Portuguese and European white and Christian community. The latter representation, apparently disruptive of their own conservative ideology based on protecting the traditional family/nation, is thus re-oriented in order to simultaneously attack "gender ideology". The article shows how the mobilization of gendered and racialized tropes in the construction of Europe and Portugal as at risk from 'external' forces re-inscribes racist and xenhophobic securitarian discourses in the political sphere.

This article aims to discuss the intersections of the anti-feminist and anti-immigration agendas in the Portuguese far-right through critical discourse analysis of the PNR and Chega's positions. These political actors convey nationalist, racist and anti-multiculturalist messages at the same time that they show their hostility towards gender equality policies, using racial, cisgender and heteronormative categories as criteria to define whose citizens are worthy of defense/protection. Recently, they have also co-opted gender equality agendas to justify anti-immigration positions, specifically opposing the hosting of refugees, depicted as a potential threat to the imagined Portuguese and European white and Christian community. The latter representation, apparently disruptive of their own conservative ideology based on protecting the traditional family/nation, is thus re-oriented in order to simultaneously attack "gender ideology". The article shows how the mobilization of gendered and racialized tropes in the construction of Europe and Portugal as at risk from 'external' forces re-inscribes racist and xenhophobic securitarian discourses in the political sphere.

A coleção Marquesa de Cavalcanti, mantida no Museu Volkenkunde, em Leiden, na Holanda, é um dos registros mais antigos da existência de objetos brasileiros neste museu. Faz parte de uma coleção mais ampla criada para a Exposição Antropológica Brasileira, realizada em 1882, e para a Exposição Universal de Paris, realizada em 1889. O foco principal deste artigo são os itinerários dessa coleção, desde suas primeiras exposições no Brasil e em Paris até a coleção Volkenkunde em Leiden. Apesar do desafio colocado pela ausência de documentação para entender a "vida social" dos objetos, acreditamos que a investigação dos itinerários das coleções e a análise das diferentes relações sociais inscritas nos objetos possam fornecer uma chave para a compreensão da história da etnografia e da arqueologia. Este artigo analisa como as coleções conectaram regiões coloniais a áreas metropolitanas na segunda metade do século XIX, no caso particular do Brasil, Paris e Holanda. Discute ainda o papel da mulher na produção de coleções arqueológicas e etnográficas e, consequentemente, o seu lugar na produção de conhecimento antropológico e arqueológico.

O presente artigo busca explorar as práticas colecionistasde crânios, idiomas e artefatos indígenas empreendidas porJohann Natterer em sua viagem ao Brasil (1817-1835).Realizada no âmbito da comissão científica austríaca (maiorempreendimento científico até então realizado), Nattererfoi pioneiro na formação de coleções na região do MatoGrosso e Rio Negro. Dada a dimensão de sua viagem, para oartigo apresentado foram selecionados três grandes conjuntosde situações etnográficas que permitem refletir sobre o usogeneralizado da categoria 'naturalista' para indexar coleçõescoproduzidas por uma rede de atores sociais desigualmenteposicionados socialmente: indígenas (livres e escravos), chefesde milícias, tenentes, governadores de província etc. Além depluralizar a categoria 'naturalista', o artigo se propõe aindaa pensar as conexões entre o colecionismo no âmbito daHistória Natural e a etnografia.

Brazil's engagement in United Nations (UN)-mandated peacekeeping operations dates from 1956. Since then the country has participated in 46 of 65 UN peacekeeping operations, deploying 11,669 personnel in total. Yet until 2004-05, with the UN's peacekeeping mission in Haiti, Brazilian contributions to such operations were mainly symbolic, military based and concentrated in Portuguese-speaking countries. Recent changes in the size, type and geographical distribution of Brazil's participation in peace operations echo the reorientation of the country's foreign policy in its search for a more globalised political influence, especially under Lula da Silva's presidency. In particular, peacekeeping under UN aegis has enabled Brazil to showcase its perceived added value in terms of its expertise on stabilisation, track record on development and conflict mediation, and advocacy for the Global South. Aspiring to become a world power, Brazil has assumed a role in peace and security that is more consistent with enhanced international responsibility. Yet, as this report highlights, this transformation has been characterised by dilemmas that are a product of the country's simultaneous legitimation and contestation of the international power structures in which it operates.

This article analyzes the limitations of the United Nations Security Council Resolution on Women, Peace and Security (1325/2000) as a product of the concepts of gender, violence and security underpinning it. Although it represents an important historical advance, recognizing the potential role of women in peacemaking processes and post-conflict agreements, and ensuring that violence against them is taken seriously both nationally and internationally, the Resolution nevertheless has a number of limitations and challenges. It is argued here that the Resolution is (only) a first step towards the recognition of the connections and possibilities of dialogue between gender, violence and security, and that it does not necessarily transform the way each concept and the connections between them are understood within the United Nations, its member states and even non-governmental organizations dedicated to gender issues, particularly women's groups. The limits of the Resolution are questioned by analyzing contexts of armed violence other than wars or post-conflict situations that are not covered by 1325, focusing particularly on their gender dynamics.