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In the context of my research on the magazine Pasado y Presente, from which I analyzed the nex­us between intellectuals, working class and armed struggle in Argen­tina in the period 1963-1973, the interest arose to analyze the experi­ence that the magazine represent­ed with respect to workerism and, later, to the Cordobazo in the Ar­gentine cultural scene. This is the area from which José María Aricó, one of the main editors of the mag­azine, recovered the Gramscian notion and condition of "triple or quadruple provincialism" that they would have suffered when promot­ing that political-editorial project. The condition of the headquarters of metal-mechanic industries, the existence of ". a proletariat of re­cent formation that was nourished by young people in the univer­sity and in the technical schools ." and the urban layout where the city flows They led to a small center, enabling Aricó himself to emphasize the uniqueness of Cór­doba, that "Latin American Turin", in keeping with the city in which Gramsci developed his intellectual and political life and in whose jail he was imprisoned for years. ; En el marco de mi investigación sobre la revista Pasado y Presente, desde la que analizo el nexo entre intelectuales, clase obrera y lucha armada en Argentina en el período 1963 - 1973, surge el interés por analizar la experiencia que supuso la revista respecto al obrerismo y, posteriormente, al Cordobazo en el escenario cultural argentino. Es éste el ámbito desde el cual José María Aricó, uno de los principales editores de la revista, recuperaba la noción gramsciana y condición de "triple o cuádruple provincia­nismo" que habrían padecido a la hora de promover aquel proyecto político-editorial. La condición de sede de industrias metalmecánicas, la existencia de "…un proletariado de reciente formación que se nutría de jóvenes en la universidad y en las escuelas técnicas…"1 y la dispo­sición urbanística donde los flujos de la ciudad desembocaban en un centro reducido, habilitaban al mismo Aricó a recalcar la singula­ridad de Córdoba, esa "Turín lati­noamericana", en consonancia con la ciudad en la que Gramsci desar­rolló su vida intelectual y política y en cuya cárcel estuvo encerrado por años.

Through the analysis of scientific literature on Latin American cities in recent decades, with a special emphasis on the development of the metropolitan area of Buenos Aires, this article reflects on a paradoxical scenario: while in the past decade many countries in the region have implemented policies that successfully have reduced (slightly) income inequality, the continued expansion of fragmented metropolitan areas not only increases inequality in access to the city and its goods, services and opportunities, but also consolidates -articulated with the segmentation of the educational system and the labor market- social networks and circuits segregated. Against this background the paper argues the hypothesis that the continuity of exclusive urbanization pattern limits the effects of redistributive policies and land use policy to impact on inequalities in the region becomes necessary.

El estudio de bases de datos es un trabajo analítico perteneciente al campo del marketing. En el mundo de la empresa es muy frecuente estudiar las pautas de compra de individuos o grupos sociales con el fin de satisfacer las necesidades de estos o encontrar una nueva vía de negocio. En el campo artístico y cultural, estas prácticas han sido poco frecuentes por considerar la cultura como un bien que no debe someterse a las pautas del mercado. Sin embargo, ante la alta oferta cultural y la diversificación de canales de comunicación, se hace cada vez más difícil mantener una audiencia fiel y, por otro lado, conocer las nuevas formas en las que esta sociedad quiere consumir ahora es posible. A través de los datos que obtenemos en cada transacción o interacción de nuestro público con nuestra entidad cultural obtenemos información muy valiosa que nos habla de cómo debemos relacionarnos con nuestro público. Un tarea necesaria para lograr más independencia económica (más y mejor público comprando entradas) y para ser relevantes y pertinentes con el público cultural.

Recognition is typically presented either as a success, or as a failure. However the many challenges presented to Western democratic societies require that we look for a way out of is tragic duality. How can one escape the misfortune of recognition? Recognition is the foundational concept of a diverse array of theories and policies. It is based on the interplay among various identities and cultures which collectively constitute diversity. Diversity is the concept on which official and unofficial policies of pluralism, that is to say policies to promote diversity, are based. This is the heart of a significant problem at the intersection of politics, sociology and philosophy. On the one hand, recognition crystallizes factors of diversity. On the other hand, diversity as characterized by a proliferation of cultures that are fluid and potentially variable over time, blocks the recognition process. How then to combine diversity and recognition? Diversity prevents recognition and recognition prevents diversity. One precludes the other. Introducing the notion of failure in the interplay between diversity and recognition permits one to identify the most problematic areas: the very foundation of recognition, the terms of non-recognition, and the issue of violence which is the real blind-spot of the most common theories and policies. From these difficulties, and after an exercise in deconstruction, we propose a reconstruction of the concept of recognition, a renewed track, consisting of the sections underpinned by the postulate of the radical self-determination of individuals and groups. The first aspect rests on separation. Separation is resistance to conformity and conversion in the form, for example of an obligation to forced assimilation. The second aspect concerns diversity as a premise for a new policy of recognition conceived from the standpoint of diversity. The effects of this new policy are more significant at the individual level than at the collective level. The third aspect relates to the importance of the ...

Recognition is typically presented either as a success, or as a failure. However the many challenges presented to Western democratic societies require that we look for a way out of is tragic duality. How can one escape the misfortune of recognition? Recognition is the foundational concept of a diverse array of theories and policies. It is based on the interplay among various identities and cultures which collectively constitute diversity. Diversity is the concept on which official and unofficial policies of pluralism, that is to say policies to promote diversity, are based. This is the heart of a significant problem at the intersection of politics, sociology and philosophy. On the one hand, recognition crystallizes factors of diversity. On the other hand, diversity as characterized by a proliferation of cultures that are fluid and potentially variable over time, blocks the recognition process. How then to combine diversity and recognition? Diversity prevents recognition and recognition prevents diversity. One precludes the other. Introducing the notion of failure in the interplay between diversity and recognition permits one to identify the most problematic areas: the very foundation of recognition, the terms of non-recognition, and the issue of violence which is the real blind-spot of the most common theories and policies. From these difficulties, and after an exercise in deconstruction, we propose a reconstruction of the concept of recognition, a renewed track, consisting of the sections underpinned by the postulate of the radical self-determination of individuals and groups. The first aspect rests on separation. Separation is resistance to conformity and conversion in the form, for example of an obligation to forced assimilation. The second aspect concerns diversity as a premise for a new policy of recognition conceived from the standpoint of diversity. The effects of this new policy are more significant at the individual level than at the collective level. The third aspect relates to the importance of the ...

Nationalism has played an important role in the birth of separatist movements through isolation or conformity on the minority population by the majority. By adding the examples of the Uyghurs of China and the Tamils of Sri Lanka to the assumptions posed by researchers, this paper reveals that a procedure is followed by the minority group. Although the Uyghurs and the Tamils are two different groups located in different countries, they both follow a methodology that leads them to pursue their call for independence, which is illustrated through their reaction to the majority group. This systematic process is attributed to the constant pressure and attacks of the minority groups by the majority population and the majoritarian government, indirectly becoming the source for separatist movements.

The Cold War was centered on the fight for superiority in the international system between the United States and the Soviet Union. The tension between both parties was communicated through their testing of nuclear weapons, as to reveal the power of mass destruction to one another. Semipalatinsk is a nuclear weapons test site in present-day Kazakhstan in which the Soviet Union conducted hundreds of nuclear weapons tests. These tests not only proved to be threatening to the United States, but also to the inhabitants of the region. The grave toll proved to be more dangerous to the people and the environment rather than the Soviet Union's adversary, the United States. As a result of the countless nuclear tests, the post-USSR Kazakh government adopted a nuclear weapons free agenda and became an advocate for the removal of nuclear weapons.