Search results

The Norwegian Power and Democracy Project concluded that the parliamentary chain of government is weakened in every link; parties and election are less mobilizing; minority governments imply that the connection between election results and policy formation is broken; and elected assemblies have been suffering a notable loss of domain. Popular participation has moved from long-term organisations and political parties to short-term action groups and associations with immediate concerns. The judicialisation of politics has strengthen the legal system and weakened the autonomy of local democracy, while the expansion of market forces further affects the span of parliamentary rule. The mass media has become politically more independent, while adapting more closely to economic forces and the quest for return of investment. There has, accordingly, been centralisation of economic power through mergers and acquisitions following the globalisation of the Norwegian economy. The so-called 'Scandinavian' (or 'Nordic') model is increasingly strained, while corporatism is partly weakened and partly restructured. After the end of the Cold War, there has also been a consistent strategy in foreign policy for the branding of Norway as a champion for peace and human rights. There is a cluster of corporate bureaucratic agencies around the high-profile peace mediation and humanitarian engagement. References. Adapted from the source document.

The Norwegian Power and Democracy Study concluded that representative government is eroding. Popular participation has moved from long-term organizations and political parties to short-term action groups and associations with immediate concerns. Public sector reforms seem to weaken municipal autonomy and strengthen central control in emphasizing greater efficiency and better quality of municipal service provision. The judicialization of politics has strengthened the legal system and weakened the autonomy of local democracy, while the expansion of market forces further affects the span of parliamentary rule. Mass media have become politically more independent, while they adapt more closely to economic forces and the quest for return of investments. There has, accordingly, been centralization of economic power through mergers and acquisitions following the globalization of the Norwegian economy, while corporatism is partly weakened and partly restructured. The so-called Scandinavian (or Nordic) model is increasingly strained, putting pressure on the Norwegian social contract that has been characterized by high levels of institutional centralization balanced by a high level of citizen control.

Norway has a reputation of extensive equality between the sexes, and substantial progress has been made in this direction over the past decades. To what extent are these pervasive changes reflected in changing female participation patterns and, subsequently, organizational change? Using unique, quantitative, historical data, we conclude that female representation in voluntary associations has increased substantially within growing segments of the sector. However, women are still underrepresented in leading positions, and new associations are most frequently founded by men. Furthermore, all-female organizations, historically sources of extensive political and ideological influence, are rapidly disappearing.

Voluntary associations are often ascribed a fundamental role in the formation of social capital. However, scholars disagree on the extent to which face‐to‐face contact, i.e. active participation, is necessary to create this resource. The impact of participation in associations on social capital is examined using three dimensions: intensity (active vs. passive participation), scope (many vs. few affiliations) and type (non‐political vs. political purpose). While those affiliated display higher levels of social capital than outsiders, the difference between active and passive members is absent or negligible. The only cumulative effect of participation occurs when the member belongs to several associations simultaneously, preferably ones with different purposes.

Explores whether only intensive association participation can generate social capital per Robert D. Putnam (eg, 1993), defined here as trust & civic engagement, drawing on 1998 mail questionnaire data gathered in Norway from 1,695 respondents. Discussion opens with a consideration of the hypothesized nature of the relationship between attitudinal dimensions of social capital & association participation in terms of tertiary associations, multiple association affiliations, & type of associative activity. Not much evidence is found to suggest that active, ie, face-to-face, rather than passive participation strengthens civic engagements, & the trust-involvement intensity relationship is seen as tenuous at best. In this light, the notion of passive support is elaborated on, finding that passive members were less oriented toward social rewards than active members, while chances for political influence played a more important role for passive members & such support was related to a more politicized view of the association's role in democracy. Putnam's view that participation fosters social capital & his assertion that multiple involvements generate more social capital than singular involvements are supported; however, his thesis that social capital is created via face-to-face interactions lacks empirical backing. How passive affiliations might have internal effects on members to generate social capital is contemplated in closing. 3 Tables, 34 References. J. Zendejas