Suchergebnisse

The article provides a condensed overview of Italian politics on the eve of the 2013 elections, underlining the major changes affecting the format and the mechanics of the Italian party politics since the collapse of the First Republic.

http://www.editions-universite-bruxelles.be/fiche/view/2679 ; Le fichier attaché à cette référence, version publiée de l'œuvre, est librement accessible, sans embargo, en accord avec les Editions de l'Université de Bruxelles ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Despite the centrality of immigration in public debates, sheer numbers clearly demonstrate that Italy is far from being the main destination country for immigrants in the EU. However, as emphasized by recent surveys, immigration represents one of the main preoccupations of Italians. The combined effects of the two major crises of the last decade – i.e., the economic crisis and the so-called refugee crisis – have induced an increased level of politicisation of immigration. Note that immigration has been assessed as one of the most important determinants for the successful communication of populist parties since the 1980s. Within this context, the Italian case is specific: Italy has only recently become a country of immigration. Until the 1970s, the number of Italians emigrating was higher than the number of people immigrating to Italy. The reversal of this situation has had consequences on two levels. At the legislative level, all attempts to egulate immigration have been characterised by a constant tension between humanitarian-based reasoning and elements in favour of the reinforcement of the rule of law and, more specifically, a focus on security and order. At the political level, since the early 1990s, the position of the radical right, populist Northern League has regularly been synonymous with xenophobia and welfare chauvinism. According to their most recent official stances, the Northern League has become increasingly characterised by a full rejection of multiculturalism and immigration. Since 2010, a new populist party has joined the Italian arena: the Five Star Movement. In their case, the topic of immigration has only recently become a central element of the populist agenda. The M5S features unclear and often conflicting positions on the topic of immigration. These hesitations are connected with both the complexity of the M5S as an organisation and a strategic approach that aims to link their political agenda to the voice of the people. ; Tema useljeništva prednjači u javnim raspravama u Italiji. Iako brojke jasno pokazuju da Italija nije glavno odredište useljenika u Europsku uniju, nedavna istraživanja govore o velikoj važnosti ove teme za Talijane. S obzirom na učinak dviju najvećih kriza posljednjeg desetljeća – ekonomske i tzv. migrantske – tema useljeništva postala je uvelike politizirana. Također, ta se tema pokazala iznimno važnom za uspješnu komunikaciju populističkih stranaka još od osamdesetih godina. U ovome je kontekstu slučaj Italije specifičan jer je ta država tek nedavno postala useljenička, s obzirom na to da se do sedamdesetih godina više Talijana iseljavalo nego što je bilo doseljenika u zemlju. Preokret u rojkama utjecao je na dvije sfere: zakonodavstvo i politiku. U sferi zakonodavstva sva su nastojanja da se useljavanje regulira obilježena neskladom koji vlada između humanitarnog pristupa i onoga koji ide u prilog vladavini prava, tj. usmjerenosti na sigurnost i red. U sferi politike stajalište koji zastupa radikalno desna populistička stranka Sjeverna liga još je od ranih devedesetih godina istoznačno s pojmovima ksenofobije i šovinizma socijalne zaštite. Najnovija službena stajališta Sjeverne lige svjedoče o sve izraženijem potpunom odbijanju multikulturalizma i imigracije. Nova populistička stranka Pokret pet zvjezdica (M5S) osvanula je na talijanskoj sceni 2010. godine te je u njezinu slučaju tema useljeništva tek nedavno uvrštena na populistički raspored. Stajalište stranke M5S o pitanju imigracije nejasan je i često proturječan. Nesklonost jasnom stajalištu povezana je kako sa složenom organizacijom stranke tako i s njezinom strategijom usklađivanja političkih stajališta stranke s glasom naroda.

Since Romania's accession to the European Union, resident EU citizens enjoy the right to vote in and stand for local elections and European Parliament (EP) elections held in Romania. Due to the fact that non-resident nationals vastly outnumber EU citizens residing in Romania, the enfranchisement of Romanians abroad is, however, a much more salient issue in Romania. Non-resident nationals may vote in national and EP elections, but cannot stand as candidates if they are registered with the domicile abroad. The turnout of non-citizen resident and non-resident citizens in elections held in Romania is overall quite low. Possible facilitators would be to simplify the voting and registration procedure and to introduce more awareness raising campaigns specifically targeting resident EU citizens and Romanians abroad. ; Peer reviewed

This report explores challenges to political participation of mobile EU citizens in Romania. It discusses electoral rights of non-resident citizens and non-citizen residents from the EU in European Parliament and local elections. The report also offers recommendations on how to increase political participation of mobile EU citizens in this country. ; This report was funded by the European Union's Rights, Equality and Citizenship Programme (2014-2020). The content of this report represents the views of the author only and is his/her sole responsibility. The European Commission does not accept any responsibility for use that may be made of the information it contains.

CONTENTS; CONTRIBUTORS; ACKNOWLEDGMENTS; INTRODUCTION; PART I; FROM POPULISM TO NEO-POPULISM?; THE "COMMON IDIOT" OF POPULISM; THE IDEOLOGICAL COMPONENTS OF POPULISM; FOUNDATIONAL POPULISM; POPULISM AND POLITICAL SCIENCE; PART II; A LATIN-AMERICAN POLEMIC; POPULISM AND DEMOCRACY IN AFRICA; THE FACETS AND OFFSHOOTS OF POPULISM IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA; REDNECKS AND WATERMELONS; IN THE NAME OF THE PEOPLE!; ITALY; NEO-POPULISM IN THE POST-COMMUNIST ZODIAC; OLD AND NEW POPULISM IN RUSSIAN POLITICS