The political effects of information warefare: Why new military capabilities cause old political dangers
In: Security studies, Band 10, Heft 1, S. 43-85
ISSN: 0963-6412
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In: Security studies, Band 10, Heft 1, S. 43-85
ISSN: 0963-6412
World Affairs Online
In: International security, Band 25, Heft 2, S. 124-151
ISSN: 0162-2889
In: Security studies, Band 5, Heft 1, S. 149-163
ISSN: 1556-1852
In: Security studies, Band 4, Heft 3, S. 463-519
ISSN: 1556-1852
In: Security studies, Band 4, Heft 3, S. 463-519
ISSN: 0963-6412
World Affairs Online
In: Security studies, Band 4, S. 463-519
ISSN: 0963-6412
Assesses whether the regime can stop or mitigate the spread of atomic weapons and its value and cost to the US and the international system.
In: Security studies, Band 3, Heft 3, S. 428-493
ISSN: 1556-1852
In: Routledge Handbook of American Foreign Policy
This book examines the contours of the US-China confrontation and its future trajectories. It delineates the two major causes of the friction in Sino-American relations - change in the balance of power in China's favor and the conflicting ideologies of the two states - and emphasizes why it is imperative for the US to hold on to its ideological principles. It demonstrates the ultimate and irreconcilable gap in the visions the two competitors have for international politics, and consequently why conflict - certainly cold, and very possibly hot - is inevitable. The authors also suggest measures which the US can adopt to sustain its leadership and deter China's ideology and vision for the future of global politics. A significant contribution to the study of Sino-American relations, the volume will be of interest to scholars and researchers of international relations, foreign policy, US and Chinese Politics. It will be of great interest to think tanks, public policy professionals, as well as the interested general reader.
World Affairs Online
"This book examines the contours of the US-China confrontation and its future trajectories. It delineates the two major causes of the friction in Sino-American relations - change in the balance of power in China's favor and the conflicting ideologies of the two states - and emphasizes why it is imperative for the US to hold on to its ideological principles. It demonstrates the ultimate and irreconcilable gap in the visions the two competitors have for international politics, and consequently why conflict - certainly cold, and very possibly hot - is inevitable. The authors also suggest measures which the US can adopt to sustain its leadership and deter China's ideology and vision for the future of global politics. A significant contribution to the study of Sino-American relations, the volume will be of interest to scholars and researchers of international relations, foreign policy, US and Chinese Politics. It will be of great interest to think tanks, public policy professionals, as well as the interested general reader"--
"Han-centrism, a virulent form of Chinese nationalism, asserts that the Han Chinese are superior to other peoples and have a legitimate right to advance Chinese interests at the expense of other countries. Han nationalists have called for policies that will allow China to reclaim the prosperity stolen by foreign powers during the "Century of Humiliation." The growth of Chinese capabilities and Han-centrism suggests that the United States, its allies, and other countries in Asia will face an increasingly assertive China--and also one that thinks it possesses a right to dominate international politics. John M. Friend and Bradley A. Thayer explore the roots of the growing Han nationalist group and the implications of Chinese hypernationalism for minorities within China and for international relations. The deeply rooted chauvinism and social Darwinism underlying Han-centrism, along with China's rapid growth, threaten the current stability of international politics, making national and international competition and conflict over security more likely. Western thinkers have yet to consider the adverse implications of a hypernationalistic China, as opposed to the policies of a pragmatic China, were it to become the world's dominant state."--
World Affairs Online
In: Contemporary South Asia, Band 28, Heft 3, S. 351-358
ISSN: 1469-364X
In: Aslam , W & Thayer , B A 2020 , ' Pakistan's Grand Strategy: The Poverty of Imagination ' , Contemporary South Asia , vol. 28 , no. 3 , pp. 351-358 . https://doi.org/10.1080/09584935.2020.1723493
This article is concerned with a significant grand strategic choice that Pakistan faces concerning its relations with China. The relationship between Pakistan and the United States has deteriorated since the US Special Forces found and killed Osama Bin Laden in the Pakistani city of Abbottabad in May 2011. Instead, Pakistan has been recalibrating its grand strategy enabling it to get closer to China. The country has received large Chinese investment to start several infrastructural projects in Pakistan as part of the Belt and Road Initiative. We argue that Pakistan is making a grave strategic mistake. Its partnership with China is unnatural and it will count against its core interests in the future. We suggest that Pakistan should reorient its grand strategy in order to bring it closer to Western democracies. Doing so will ensure greater security, economic development and sovereign independence for Pakistan.
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