Suchergebnisse

International audience ; Cette note de recherche présente le projet intitulé Comment les discussions deviennent politiques, lorsque des Français, des Anglais ou des Belges francophones parlent de l'Europe ?, mené de juin 2005 à janvier 2012 en étroite collaboration entre Sciences Po Paris (CEVIPOF et Centre d'études européennes), l'Université d'Oxford et l'Université catholique de Louvain. L'enquête a consisté à réaliser puis analyser une série d'entretiens collectifs organisés à Paris, Bruxelles et Oxford.

International audience ; Cette note de recherche présente le projet intitulé Comment les discussions deviennent politiques, lorsque des Français, des Anglais ou des Belges francophones parlent de l'Europe ?, mené de juin 2005 à janvier 2012 en étroite collaboration entre Sciences Po Paris (CEVIPOF et Centre d'études européennes), l'Université d'Oxford et l'Université catholique de Louvain. L'enquête a consisté à réaliser puis analyser une série d'entretiens collectifs organisés à Paris, Bruxelles et Oxford.

International audience ; French and (French speaking) Belgian lack of interest in their European neighbours: another piece of evidence for the case of the missing European political community? Starting from the asymmetry observed between the setting up of a European citizenship and the persistent national identifications of Europeans, this paper addresses the question of the reciprocal feelings of Europeans for each other within the framework of a broader question about mechanisms for the formation of a European political community: in the middle term, could some "preference for other Europeans" compensate for the fact that Europeans have little knowledge of, interest in or attachment to their Union? The analysis is based on results from eight focus groups organized in Paris and Brussels using a moderation technique to foster the expression of disagreement between participants; because they are conflictive, these discussions are characterised by their emotionality. We analyse emotions shown by participants regarding other Europeans thanks to three different but complementary techniques (interpretative analysis of the discussion dynamics; automatic content analysis; hand-made codification). The analysis shows that if Europeans - and more specifically Western Europeans - are indeed discussed, this happens without much display of emotion thereby limiting support for the thesis of European preference. However, this does suggest that, as far as the French and the (French speaking) Belgians are concerned, Western Europeans do not (no longer?), belong to the "others" category, in the sense of people who contribute to the self-definition, the making of "us", by differentiation. This result will be interpreted differently by post-nationalists and by those who consider European integration to be a process similar to nation-building in past centuries. ; Partant du constat d'une asymétrie entre la mise en place d'une citoyenneté européenne et la persistance du cadre d'identification nationale des Européens, ce texte aborde ...

International audience ; Cette note de recherche présente le projet intitulé Comment les discussions deviennent politiques, lorsque des Français, des Anglais ou des Belges francophones parlent de l'Europe ?, mené de juin 2005 à janvier 2012 en étroite collaboration entre Sciences Po Paris (CEVIPOF et Centre d'études européennes), l'Université d'Oxford et l'Université catholique de Louvain. L'enquête a consisté à réaliser puis analyser une série d'entretiens collectifs organisés à Paris, Bruxelles et Oxford.

this research paper presents the project "How the discussions become political, when French-speaking French, English or Belgians speak about Europe? conducted from June 2005 to January 2012 in close collaboration between Sciences Po Paris (CEVIPOF and Centre for European Studies), the University of Oxford and the Catholic University of Louvain. The survey consisted of conducting and analysing a series of group interviews held in Paris, Brussels and Oxford. ; International audience ; this research paper presents the project "How the discussions become political, when French-speaking French, English or Belgians speak about Europe? conducted from June 2005 to January 2012 in close collaboration between Sciences Po Paris (CEVIPOF and Centre for European Studies), the University of Oxford and the Catholic University of Louvain. The survey consisted of conducting and analysing a series of group interviews held in Paris, Brussels and Oxford. ; Cette note de recherche présente le projet intitulé Comment les discussions deviennent politiques, lorsque des Français, des Anglais ou des Belges francophones parlent de l'Europe ?, mené de juin 2005 à janvier 2012 en étroite collaboration entre Sciences Po Paris (CEVIPOF et Centre d'études européennes), l'Université d'Oxford et l'Université catholique de Louvain. L'enquête a consisté à réaliser puis analyser une série d'entretiens collectifs organisés à Paris, Bruxelles et Oxford.

International audience ; French and (French speaking) Belgian lack of interest in their European neighbours: another piece of evidence for the case of the missing European political community? Starting from the asymmetry observed between the setting up of a European citizenship and the persistent national identifications of Europeans, this paper addresses the question of the reciprocal feelings of Europeans for each other within the framework of a broader question about mechanisms for the formation of a European political community: in the middle term, could some "preference for other Europeans" compensate for the fact that Europeans have little knowledge of, interest in or attachment to their Union? The analysis is based on results from eight focus groups organized in Paris and Brussels using a moderation technique to foster the expression of disagreement between participants; because they are conflictive, these discussions are characterised by their emotionality. We analyse emotions shown by participants regarding other Europeans thanks to three different but complementary techniques (interpretative analysis of the discussion dynamics; automatic content analysis; hand-made codification). The analysis shows that if Europeans - and more specifically Western Europeans - are indeed discussed, this happens without much display of emotion thereby limiting support for the thesis of European preference. However, this does suggest that, as far as the French and the (French speaking) Belgians are concerned, Western Europeans do not (no longer?), belong to the "others" category, in the sense of people who contribute to the self-definition, the making of "us", by differentiation. This result will be interpreted differently by post-nationalists and by those who consider European integration to be a process similar to nation-building in past centuries. ; Partant du constat d'une asymétrie entre la mise en place d'une citoyenneté européenne et la persistance du cadre d'identification nationale des Européens, ce texte aborde ...

International audience ; Cette note de recherche présente le projet intitulé Comment les discussions deviennent politiques, lorsque des Français, des Anglais ou des Belges francophones parlent de l'Europe ?, mené de juin 2005 à janvier 2012 en étroite collaboration entre Sciences Po Paris (CEVIPOF et Centre d'études européennes), l'Université d'Oxford et l'Université catholique de Louvain. L'enquête a consisté à réaliser puis analyser une série d'entretiens collectifs organisés à Paris, Bruxelles et Oxford.

This paper addresses the issue of the repercussions of European integration for democratic practices by studying the growing indifference towards European integration process. More specifically, the texts questions the statement of whether there has been a change in public attitudes towards European integration over the time, in terms of a passage from a permissive consensus of citizens towards a constraining dissensus (Hooghe & Marks, 2008; Down & Wilson, 2008). The thesis of constraining dissensus has been theorized by Hooghe and Marks in terms of progressive politicization of citizens and the polarization of their attitudes derived from the consolidation and prominence of the integration process. Building first on previous work of Down and Wilson (2008) and mobilizing a complementary longitudinal analysis of Eurobarometer data (1970-2002), this paper finds that the basic shift is one towards an indifferent or undecided attitude and not towards rejection. Thereafter, it contributes to the study of the processes of acceptance and/or resistance towards European integration, as well as its possible politicization, whilst concentrating more specifically on the non-polarization of a large proportion of ordinary citizens on European issues. Thus the paper proposes in the second part exploratory regression analyses of this non-polarized category of citizens using Eurobarometer data (2004 and 2006). In conclusion, we argue that next to the resistance generally studied and known as "Euroscepticism", one also records during the last decade a reinforcement of the indifference and indecision of ordinary citizens. The non-polarization of a significant number of citizens is indeed an overwhelming and understudied phenomenon. The politicization of European issues does not necessarily lead to the polarization of citizens opinions; we argue here that it is necessary to incorporate the notion and the role of indecision and indifference into any reflection on the democratic legitimacy of the European integration process.

This paper addresses the issue of the repercussions of European integration for democratic practices by studying the growing indifference towards European integration process. More specifically, the texts questions the statement of whether there has been a change in public attitudes towards European integration over the time, in terms of a passage from a permissive consensus of citizens towards a constraining dissensus (Hooghe & Marks, 2008; Down & Wilson, 2008). The thesis of constraining dissensus has been theorized by Hooghe and Marks in terms of progressive politicization of citizens and the polarization of their attitudes derived from the consolidation and prominence of the integration process. Building first on previous work of Down and Wilson (2008) and mobilizing a complementary longitudinal analysis of Eurobarometer data (1970-2002), this paper finds that the basic shift is one towards an indifferent or undecided attitude and not towards rejection. Thereafter, it contributes to the study of the processes of acceptance and/or resistance towards European integration, as well as its possible politicization, whilst concentrating more specifically on the non-polarization of a large proportion of ordinary citizens on European issues. Thus the paper proposes in the second part exploratory regression analyses of this non-polarized category of citizens using Eurobarometer data (2004 and 2006). In conclusion, we argue that next to the resistance generally studied and known as "Euroscepticism", one also records during the last decade a reinforcement of the indifference and indecision of ordinary citizens. The non-polarization of a significant number of citizens is indeed an overwhelming and understudied phenomenon. The politicization of European issues does not necessarily lead to the polarization of citizens opinions; we argue here that it is necessary to incorporate the notion and the role of indecision and indifference into any reflection on the democratic legitimacy of the European integration process.

This article asks how the most prominent recent changes in European welfare states are relevant for citizens' political participation and attitudes toward politics, specifically citizens' political efficacy, political interest, political trust and attribution of responsibility. We consider changes in benefits, in the form of generosity levels and conditionality, and changes in modes of delivery, including both marketization and rescaling. Reviewing the policy feedback on mass publics literature, a mainly US-centric scholarship, the article suggests that the mostly negative impacts that are theoretically expected are to be qualified in the European contexts. The article thereby reflects on the contributions and limits to what can be learned from this body of research to illuminate European cases; and it derives a research agenda to study policy feedbacks on mass publics in western Europe.

AbstractRegionalization has been a defining feature of European politics since the 1970s. Previous work has studied political drivers of the movements of competences to the subnational level, including the role of citizens' preferences. Yet, we still know little about how these new divisions of competences between government levels have impacted the development of public opinion about this division. The article builds on the literature on policy feedback and argues that institutional regionalization may both directly and indirectly affect support for regionalization through normative and interpretive effects. To empirically qualify these expectations, the article uses eight cross sections of the Flemish and Walloon populations in Belgium (1991–2019). This approach explains differences in support for regionalization between citizens that were socialized in different institutional and regional contexts. The analyses show that Walloons who came of age in the context of more institutional regionalization tend to be more supportive of regionalization. In Flanders, in contrast, support for regionalization is most consistently and substantially explained by regional and Belgian identification. However, our analyses show no support for the expectation that coming of age in a more regionalized Belgium is associated with a greater sense of regional identification.

Regionalization, in the form of a dispersion of political power away from national political centres to regional governments, has been a defining feature of European politics since the 1970s. The article focuses on how institutional regionalization changed citizens' attitudes about the division of competences between the central and regional level. It argues that regional institutions and policies exert a socializing effect on citizens' preference in favour of these institutions through a mechanism of adaptive preferences. First, attitudes are studied across cohorts in a single population to test whether cohorts that came of age in a context of more institutional regionalization are more favourable towards regional decision making than cohorts that came of age in a centralized state. The analyses indeed show evidence for a socializing effect of institutional regionalization. Second, the article shows how regional elites' discourses may moderate the relationship between institutional regionalization and citizens' attitudes about regionalization. We study Belgium as a crucial case. We use five cross-sectional datasets of the Flemish and Walloon populations during the course of increased regionalization in Belgium (1991-2007).

Regionalization, in the form of a dispersion of political power away from national political centres to regional governments, has been a defining feature of European politics since the 1970s. The article focuses on how institutional regionalization changed citizens' attitudes about the division of competences between the central and regional level. It argues that regional institutions and policies exert a socializing effect on citizens' preference in favour of these institutions through a mechanism of adaptive preferences. First, attitudes are studied across cohorts in a single population to test whether cohorts that came of age in a context of more institutional regionalization are more favourable towards regional decision making than cohorts that came of age in a centralized state. The analyses indeed show evidence for a socializing effect of institutional regionalization. Second, the article shows how regional elites' discourses may moderate the relationship between institutional regionalization and citizens' attitudes about regionalization. We study Belgium as a crucial case. We use five cross-sectional datasets of the Flemish and Walloon populations during the course of increased regionalization in Belgium (1991-2007).

Regionalization, in the form of a dispersion of political power away from national political centers to regional governments, has been a defining feature of European politics since the 1970s. The article focuses on how institutional regionalization changed citizens' attitudes about the division of competences between the central and regional level. It argues that regional institutions and policies exert a socializing effect on citizens' preference in favor of these institutions through a mechanism of adaptive preferences. First, attitudes are studied across cohorts in a single population to test whether cohorts that came of age in a context of more institutional regionalization are more favorable towards regional decision-making than cohorts that came of age in a centralized state. The analyses indeed show evidence for a socializing effect of institutional regionalization. Second, the article shows how regional elites' discourses may moderate the relationship between institutional regionalization and citizens' attitudes about regionalization. We study Belgium as a crucial case. We use five cross-sectional datasets of the Flemish and Walloon populations during the course of increased regionalization in Belgium (1991–2007).

AbstractRegionalization, in the form of a dispersion of political power away from national political centers to regional governments, has been a defining feature of European politics since the 1970s. The article focuses on how institutional regionalization changed citizens' attitudes about the division of competences between the central and regional level. It argues that regional institutions and policies exert a socializing effect on citizens' preference in favor of these institutions through a mechanism of adaptive preferences. First, attitudes are studied across cohorts in a single population to test whether cohorts that came of age in a context of more institutional regionalization are more favorable towards regional decision-making than cohorts that came of age in a centralized state. The analyses indeed show evidence for a socializing effect of institutional regionalization. Second, the article shows how regional elites' discourses may moderate the relationship between institutional regionalization and citizens' attitudes about regionalization. We study Belgium as a crucial case. We use five cross-sectional datasets of the Flemish and Walloon populations during the course of increased regionalization in Belgium (1991–2007).