Suchergebnisse

For more than a decade social media have been an important medium of political communication, more accurately since 2008 and the campaign of Barack Obama. Social media such as Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube were primarily used for political communication; however, the rapidly growing popularity of Instagram has conditioned political entities to adapt to the visual concept of communication with the citizens. One of the additional problems of this form of communication with the public is prominent political populism. Moreover, this trend is present in the Republic of Serbia, where more and more individual and collective political entities are joining Instagram. Also, the profile with the highest number of followers and posts on the Serbian political scene is the profile of the President of the Republic of Serbia, Aleksandar Vučić (@buducnostsrbijeav). As far as the empirical research is concerned, the authors analyzed the posts published on this profile in the first month of its creation and the realization of the political campaign "Future of Serbia" (February 5 – March 5, 2019) and applied the methodology of Maria Grabe and Erik Bucy (2009), which includes nine visual categories characteristic of populist political campaigns. The results of the research indicated that out of 550 visual contents, 434 photographs and 22 videos can be classified into eight out of a total of nine suggested categories. According to the obtained results, the authors concluded that the communication of the President of the Republic of Serbia, Aleksandar Vučić with the public through social media Instagram is based on visual content that Greib and Busy define as populist.

Nasilјe i agresija su pojmovi koji se često koriste u literaturi za označavanje različitih oblika lјudskog ponašanja i predstavlјaju destruktivne obrasce ponašanja kojima se nanosi šteta pojedincu i društvu. Naučno razumevanje i objašnjenje nasilјa jedan je od osnovnih naučnih zadataka kojem se mora posvetiti posebna pažnja. Iako se može smatrati da je nasilјe precizan termin, u stvarnosti predstavlјa spektar heterogenih oblika ponašanja koji mogu biti fizički i emocionalni sa različitom refleksijom na odnos žrtve i počinioca u specifičnim životnim situacijama. Cilј ovog rada je da pregledom naučne literature i analizom sadržaja različitih definicija nasilјa i agresije, uz primenu komparativnog metoda, ukažemo na specifičnosti interpersonalnog nasilja i njegove različite manifestacije. Posebna pažnja je posvećena podeli i kategorizaciji nasilјa i posledicama koje ono ima na pojedinca i njegovu mikro i makro socijalnu sredinu. Jedan deo rada posvećen je nasilјu u porodici kao zasebnom sociološkom, zdravstvenom i kriminološkom problemu i njegovim negativnim implikacija koje ima na žene, decu i stare. Takođe je ukazano na problem nasilјa u LGBT partnerskim zajednicama o čemu kod nas gotovo da nema naučnih podataka i istraživanja.

Jedna od osnovnih funkcija medija je da pravovremeno i istinito informišu građane o stvarima koje su se dogodile van njihovog opažajnog dometa. Na tu osnovnu funkciju nadograđuju se ostale, više društvene funkcije, pomoću kojih mediji mogu da direktno ili indirektno utiču na društvene tokove i pojave postojanjem, načinom i vrednosnom kvalifikacijom umetnutom u informacije koje mediji distribuiraju. Nasilje nad ženama je negativni fenomen ljudske civilizacije bezmalo od njenih početaka, odnosno, od kraja matrijarhata. Osnovni uzrok za to je percepcija muškaraca kao u svakom smislu nadmoćnijim bićem nad ženom, i iz takve percepcije proisteklih stereotipa, navika i običaja. Uprkos očiglednom civilizacijskom progresu, u velikom delu sveta i danas važi identični obrazac muško-ženskih odnosa koji je uspostavljen pre nekoliko hiljada godina. Ipak, savremena društva sa višim nivoom ljudskog razvoja pokušavaju da koriguju brojne nasleđene društvene nepravde, od kojih je neravnopravni položaj žena iz kog proističe i disproporcionalna količina nasilja nad njima, jedan od najvažnijih. U tim društvenim korekcijama mediji kao nosioci ogromne društvene moći imaju krucijalnu ulogu. Cilj ovog rada je da analizom medijskih sadržaja, kao i primarnih i sekundarnih izvora, istraži na koji način mediji izveštavaju o nasilju nad ženama sa posebnim akcentom na medije u Srbiji. Osnovna hipoteza ovog rada je da mediji ne koriste sve svoje funkcije, ili ih ne koriste na najcelishodniji način, i da kao posledica određene disfunkcionalnosti medija, problem nasilja na ženama vrlo često ima senzacionalistički i tabloidni prikaz u medijima, što uz odvojeni problem medijske glorifikacije nasilja, dovodi do stvaranja novih teškoća umesto da doprinosi rešavanju problema.

Creative self-concept is a construct that refers to the self-assessment of one's creativity, and it consists of two dimensions, creative identity, and creative self-efficiency. Creative identity determines how important creative potential is to a person, and creative self-efficacy represents faith in personal creative abilities. Since the Short Scale of Creative Self-Concept (SSCS) was not validated on a sample of respondents from Bosnia and Herzegovina, this study aims to validate and verify the metric characteristics of the scale. The sample consisted of 238 students from different faculties from BiH, aged 19 to 46 (M = 22.21; SD = 3.27). Using a two-way procedure from English, 11 items that make up the SSCS scale were translated: 5 items examine creative identity, and 6 creative self-efficacy. The SSCS scale as a whole has good reliability (α = .904) as well as representativeness (KMO = .908). At the subscale level, these values are also satisfactory: for creative identity (α = .902; KMO = .871), and for creative self-efficacy (α = .823; KMO = .776). Convergent and criterion validity was confirmed by a high correlation between the total score on the SSCS scale and scores on the personality dimension Openness to Experience (r = .680) and scores on the Creativity Self-Assessment Questionnaire (r = .768). Exploratory factor analysis, with Promax rotation, retained two factors that together explain 68.03% of the variance. Confirmatory factor analysis tested three models: Model 1 - the original version of the scale with one dimension; Model 2 - the original version of the scale with two dimensions; Model 3 - the abbreviated version of the scale with two dimensions. As Model 3 (in which problematic items were omitted) was the only one with adequate matching parameters (χ2/df =3.357; CFI = .964; TLI = .948; RMSEA = .103), the metric characteristics of the shortened version of the scale were rechecked and showed that everything is satisfactory, except discrimination. The conclusion is that an abbreviated version of the scale can be applied, but also that it would be useful to conduct a new validation study in which all items from the scale would be retained, with linguistic modification of claims that were problematic in this study.

The development of the Internet and the absence of national bounderies in cyberspace constantly challenge the role of the state in the new information and communication environment. On the one hand, this new environment challenges the former power of the state stemming from the exclusivity of its territoriality. On the other hand, the role of the state may be observed as being changed but it is certainly not inconsequential. Numerous examples from the past decade testify to the fact that the state still has the power to control its Internet-mediated information and communication environment. In response to the contemporary developments, it has been necessary to introduce conceptual changes. Thus, the term system has been replaced with the term environment; the conceptual framework of strict control through regulation has been replaced with the term management. Although the role of the state has changed, the state still has the central position in the new information and communication environment. The aim of this paper is address the research question: How has the role of the state changed in the new information and communications environment?

Slobodan protok roba, usluga, ljudi i kapitala, razvoj informacione i komunikacione tehnologije, učinili su da lokalni problemi postanu globalni. Finansijska kriza 2007. godine vrlo brzo je postala globalna. Pandemija kovida-19 izazvala je svetsku zdravstvenu krizu, koja je ubrzo prerasla u ekonomsku, uz pretnju da postane i društvena kriza. Makroekonomski troškovi pandemije ogledaju se u padu bruto domaćeg proizvoda (GDP), rastu nezaposlenosti, povećanju fiskalne i eksterne neravnoteže. Fiskalna politika je u svim zemljama bila okosnica ekonomske politike u borbi protiv posledica pandemije. Ono što se sa sigurnošću može reći je da je šok pandemije pogodio ekonomiju i sa strane agregatne tražnje i sa strane agregatne ponude. U radu pokušavamo da sagledamo kako je pandemija delovala na privrede zemalja Zapadnog Balkana, sa kolikim privrednim padom su se suočile u 2020. godini. U radu takođe analiziramo koliko su javni sektor, zdravstvo i obrazovanje bili efikasni u borbi protiv posledica pandemije. ; The free flow of goods, services, people and capital, and the development of information and communication technology have all made local problems global. The 2007 financial crisis very quickly became global. The COVID-19 pandemic caused a worldwide health crisis, which quickly became an economic one, with threats of becoming a social one as well. The macroeconomic costs of the pandemic are visible in the form of shrinking GDP, the rise of unemployment, as well as fiscal and external imbalance. In all countries fiscal policy was the cornerstone of economic policy in the fight against the consequences of the pandemic. What we can say for certain is that the shock of the pandemic hit the economy both from the aspect of aggregate demand, as well as aggregate supply. In this paper we take a look at how the pandemic affected the economies of the Western Balkan countries, and the scale of the economic downturn they will face in 2020. We will also analyze how effective the public sector, the medical system, and education have been in the fight against the consequences of the pandemic.

The process of globalization is a logical process of internationalization, caused by deregulation and liberalization, as well as the development of information and communication technologies. To perform an isolationist policy today is completely absurd. Therefore, the main goal of each national economy is to be engaged in international trade while retaining sovereignty and achieving sustainable development, and this is only possible if we realize that not all economic activities are qualitatively the same as the drivers of economic development, and that globalization and free trade can create an automatic economic harmony. Countries that specialize in the export of raw materials will sooner or later experience the opposite effect from economies of scale, namely declining yields. Sustainable development today is a kind of monopoly on the production of advanced goods and services, in which rich countries experience one explosion of productivity for another. In the first part of the paper, we analyze the effects that abstract theories of classical liberal economies have on the poor countries, as well as the neoliberal policies that the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the World Trade Organization today apply to developing countries. In the second part of the paper, we analyze examples of countries whose economic prosperity is the result of a smart and pragmatic mix of market incentives and governance. In the third part of the paper we give recommendations for the new development and trade policy of Serbia. In the last part of the paper, we point to the importance of branding as a factor in the export competitiveness of the company. ; Proces globalizacije je logičan sled internacionalizacije, uzrokovane deregulacijom i liberalizacijom, kao i razvojem informacionih i komunikacionih tehnologija. Voditi izolacionističku politiku danas je potpuno besmisleno. Zato je osnovni cilј svake zemlјe – uklјučiti se u međunarodne trgovinske tokove i pri tome zadržati suverenitet i ostvariti održivi razvoj, a to je jedino moguće ako shvatimo da nisu sve privredne delatnosti kvalitativno iste kao nosioci privrednog razvoja i da globalizacija i slobodna trgovina mogu stvoriti automatsku ekonomsku harmoniju. Zemlјe koje se specijalizuju za izvoz sirovina doći će pre ili kasnije do suprotnog efekta od ekonomije obima, naime do opadajućih prinosa. Održivi razvoj danas predstavlјa neku vrstu monopola na proizvodnju naprednih dobara i usluga, u kome bogate države doživlјavaju jednu eksploziju produktivnosti za drugom. U prvom delu rada analiziramo efekte koje su apstraktne teorije klasične liberalne ekonomije imale na siromašne zemlјe, kao i neoliberalnu politiku koju danas Svetska banka, Međunarodni monetarni fond i Svetska trgovinska organizacija primenjuju u zemlјama u razvoju. U drugom delu rada analiziramo primere zemalјa čiji je ekonomski prosperitet rezultat pametne i pragmatične mešavine tržišnog podstreka i državnog upravlјanja. U trećem delu rada dajemo preporuke za novu razvojnu i trgovinsku politiku Srbije. U poslednjem delu rada ukazujemo na značaj brendiranja kao faktra u izvoznoj konkurentnosti preduzeća

The emergence of the Internet has led to tectonic changes in all aspects of human life, and certainly the most important ones occurred in communication and information. The term "Global Village", which was first used by Marshall McLuhan in his "Report on the project of understanding new media" in 1960, seems to be more current today than ever. The emergence of online media, social networks and many other applications has enabled people to connect and communicate no matter where they are on the planet. However, despite all the positive effects that communication networks have brought with them, there are many negative aspects of intercultural communication that have been retained to the same or even greater extent, creating the so-called "noise" or disruption of communication. One of the best examples of this is the comments in the online media. This an essential segment of online journalism, and it proved to be a fruitful intercultural communication channel, which is why this paper will put special emphasis on the readers' comments.

As the 110th anniversary of the beginning of the excavations at Vinca is nearing, the question arises as to how much we really know about the role and motives of a number of British subjects who in various ways played decisive roles in the research and the international affirmation of this important Late Neolithic site. It is possible, on the basis of archives and personal correspondence of Miloje M. Vasic, to view the investigations of Vinca in the wider context of political and military relations, influencing the general situation in the Kingdom of The Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, later Yugoslavia. John Lynton Myres was a professor at the universities in Oxford and Liverpool, the founder and editor of the Journal Man and the director of the British Archaeological School in Athens. During the World War I, between 1916 and 1919, he was an officer of the Royal Navy Volunteer Reserve, first in the Navy Intelligence Service, and then in Military Control Office in Athens. The Browns, Alec and Catherine, also played an important role. Alec Brown, a left-oriented writer, translator and correspondent, arrived to Serbia as a Cambridge graduate, aiming at the post of an English language teacher in high schools. In the period from 1929 to 1931 he took part in the excavations at Vinca, taking this setting as the base for the plot of one of his books. His wife, Elsie Catherine Brown, whose life is very poorly documented, served in the British Embassy in Belgrade between the wars. Vasic dedicated the third volume of Prehistoric Vinca to her, for her devoted work in the British medical mission and the care she took of the Serbian soldiers near Thessalonica, but also for her part played in the establishment of the initial contact with Sir Charles Hyde. The life of Catherine Brown may be seen as one of the many exceptional stories about the noble British ladies, celebrated in Serbia for over a century. However, one should bear in mind that the events and characters (Myres, Hyde, the Browns) linked to the research in Vinca may be ...

Rimske bronzane posude: dve situle i kaserola, otkrivene su slučajno prilikom izgradwe porodične kuće u centru Čačka 1960. Vedra su opredeljena u poznate tipove Bargfeld i Hemoor, koji su široko rasprostranjeni u Rimskom carstvu, a posebno duž rajnskog i dunavskog limesa, gde se, mahom, nalaze kao uobičajeni delovi vojničke opreme, dok kaserola pripada vrlo retkom tipu sa pomičnom drškom, takođe nošenom u vojničkom prtljagu kao posuda za pripremanje hrane, a posebno za pečenje hleba. Sve tri posude mogu se opredeliti u period II-III v., kada su na mestu današnjeg Čačka, tada graničnoj oblasti provincija Gornje Mezije i Dalmacije, bile stacionirane jedinice Cohors VIII voluntariorum, Cohors II Delmatorum, kao i beneficijariji iz redova Legio XI Claudia. ; Three Roman copper alloy vessels, rare in western Serbia, were found in 1960 in central Čačak. Two buckets (situlae) and one pan (trulla), were discovered by chance, during construction work, in the vicinity of a massive Roman wall built of stone and mortar. The first bucket (fig. 1/1), (Reg. No. A 721) well preserved, has a bi-conical body with the rim turned on the outer side (dimensions: rim diameter 20-20.5 cm; base diameter 14.5 cm; height 17 cm). The shoulder of the vessel is positioned at 2/3 of its height which identified this situla as the Barfeld type dating from 1st to 2nd century A.D. Several finds of buckets belonging to this popular type have been made in Serbia, mostly dredged from the river Sava at Sremska Rača near Sirmium. Nevertheless, it resembles most closely the situla from the National Museum at Vršac, probably found in the vicinity of Stara Palanka. The second bucket (fig. 1/2) (Reg. No. A 722) identified as a Hemoor type situla is partially preserved (dimensions: rim diameter 16 cm; height 8 cm; handle diameter 0.8 cm). The upper body of the vessel is adorned with two pairs of parallel incised lines. The vessel is made of copper tin alloy (thickness: 1.5-2 mm) and has a greenish patina. Hemoor type buckets were found in great numbers both within the Roman empire and outside its borders. They were dated to 200-300 A.D. and divided into two variants. Samples from Serbia belong to the Pannonian variant with shallower recipient, low ring-like foot and almost circular handle holders. Analogies from the territory of the Sava and Danube valleys are known from Osijek (Mursa) in Croatia and the site Groblje at Šetjernej in Slovenia, as well as from some Pannonian urban centres (Sophiana, Intercisa, Vindobona). The third vessel (fig. 2), (Reg. No. A 723) exceptional in shape, was beaten from a copper alloy sheet with a high percentage of copper which gives the alloy its intensive red color (dimensions: base diameter 24 cm; height 4 cm; handle length of 14 cm; handle width 2.5 cm). It is made in the shape of a round shallow recipient with vertical sides and single folding handle positioned horizontally. Vessels of this peculiar shape resembling modern frying pans, were certainly used for food processing, most probably for bread baking (Bratpfanne). The chronology of these vessels, made of copper alloy or iron, spans the period from the middle of 2nd to the end of the first third of the 3rd century A.D. They have been found all over the Roman empire: Britain, France, Southern Italy Austria, Germany and all the way to Egypt. The pan belongs to the unusual type of Roman bronze vessels rare both in the Central Balkans and over a broader territory. The only analogy from Serbia that is known to us comes from the limes in the Iron Gates gorge. It was found in a hoard of bronze vessels uncovered at the Roman fortress Campsa near Ravna, dated to the first half of the 3rd century A.D. The copper alloy vessels from Čačak should be connected most probably to the presence of the Roman army in this territory already confirmed by several votive inscriptions. These inscriptions mention a centurion of Cohors VIII voluntariorum, beneficiarii from Legio XI Claudia and even the military tribune of Cohors II Delmatorum. According to epigraphic data, a Roman military fortification of ca. 5 ha should be expected in the vicinity of Čačak, dated as early as the end of the 2nd and with more certainty during the 3rd century. A camp of that size would have been large enough to accommodate the cohors milliaria equitata garrison mentioned in votive inscriptions. The presence of a Roman garrison of such a considerable number and character in the vicinity of Čačak can be explained by the strategic importance of this territory on the crossroads of important Roman land communications between the provinces of Upper Moesia and Dalmatia as well as the importance of the Roman silver mines at Kosmaj and Rudnik nearby.

The process of European integration is at the very early stages in Montenegro. However, certain influences of this process on politics at the national level can be observed, including the building of a strong consensus on integration, which is partly due to the significant influence the European Union (EU) had in the organization of the referendum on the state status of Montenegro in May 2006, as well as the special dynamic between political parties and citizens. These internal changes so far include changes in party rhetoric, mentioning the EU in party manifestos and declaring membership of it as a goal of political action. Other structural changes are less visible at the moment. Although the process of integration is at the very beginning, bearing in mind the period of time that has passed since the referendum (all other issues except the status of Montenegro as a state remained in the background until this issue was resolved), changes are happening rapidly, and one could argue that process of Europeanization of the party system might be faster in new EU accession countries.