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Cet article élabore l'ontologie et la méthodologie sociales de la sociologie charnelle comme mode distinctif d'investigation déjouant la posture spectatrice pour saisir l'action-en-trainde-se-faire, dans le sillage des débats suscités par mon enquête par apprentissage sur la boxe comme art du corps plébéien. Je critique d'abord les notions (dualiste) d'agent, (externaliste) de structure et (mentaliste) de connaissance qui régentent les sciences sociales contemporaines et j'ébauche une conception alternative de l'animal social considéré non pas comme un simple manipulateur de symboles mais comme une créature de chair et de sang sensible, souffrante, sachant-faire, sédimentée et située. Je mets en exergue la primauté du savoir pratique incorporé qui survient des trames d'action dans lesquelles il est continuellement imbriqué, et j'examine quelles sont les modalités d'enquête aptes à déployer et à tirer profit de cette conception incarnée de l'agent. Je soutiens que l' ethnographie énactive , variante du travail de terrain par immersion fondée sur l'« effectuation du phénomène », ouvre une voie féconde pour saisir les schèmes cognitifs, conatifs et cathectiques (habitus) qui génèrent les conduites et sous-tendent le cosmos considéré. Mais il faut de l'audace et de la ténacité sociales pour tirer parti de la « participation observante » et atteindre la compétence sociale (par opposition à la saturation empirique). Je reviens en conclusion sur le dialogue de Bourdieu avec Pascal afin de soupeser les difficultés et de souligner l'urgence de saisir l'« esprit de finesse » qui anime toute compétence mais qui disparaît des comptesrendus de la science sociale normale.

Utilizo la colección de "etnografías carnales" de las artes marciales y los deportes de combates reunidos por Raúl Sánchez y Dale Spencer, bajo el título Fighting Scholars para poner de relieve la fecundidad de la implementación del habitus como objeto empírico (explanandum) y método de investigación (modus cognitionis). El estudio encarnado de la encarnación se basa en cinco proposiciones que aclaran las persistentes ideas erróneas acerca del habitus y refuerzan la teoría disposicional de la acción de Pierre Bourdieu. 1) lejos de ser una "caja negra", el habitus es totalmente susceptible de investigación empírica; 2) la distinción entre habitus primario (genérico) y habitus secundario (específico) nos permite capturar la maleabilidad de las disposiciones; 3) el habitus se compone de elementos cognitivos, conativos, volitivos y afectivos: categorías, habilidades y deseos; 4) el habitus nos permite transformar el problema de la carnalidad en un recurso para la producción de conocimiento sociológico; 5) para tener en cuenta que todos los agentes sociales, como quienes practican artes marciales, son seres que sufren y que están involucrados participan colectivamente en actividades corporalmente interiorizadas a través de escenificaciones dentro de círculos de compromisos compartidos.

This article reflects on the international reception of my book Prisons of Poverty as revelator of penal developments in advanced societies over the past decade. I show that the global firestorm of law and order inspired by the United States that the book detected in 1999 has continued to rage far and wide. Indeed, it has extended from First- to Second-World countries and has altered punishment politics and policies around the globe in ways that no one foresaw and would have thought possible two decades ago. I extend the analysis of the role of think tanks (especially the Manhattan Institute) in the diffusion of US-style crime-fighting notions and nostrums in Latin America as one element of the international circulation of pro-market policy packages fostering the punitive management of poverty. I elaborate and revise the original model of the link between neoliberalism and punitive penality, leading to the analysis of state-crafting in the age of social insecurity developed in my book Punishing the Poor.

In this response to my critics, I amplify the conceptual clarification and methodological stipulation of habitus begun in 'Homines in extremis' to help us move from a sociology of the body as socially construc- ted object to a sociology from the body as socially construc -ting vector of knowledge, power, and practice. The specification of habitus by membership in collectives, attachment to institutions, and analytic purpose makes it a flexible multi-scalar notion with which to construct the epistemic individual and account for both reproduction and change, conformity and creativity, as well as self-revision. For this, we must reject theological interpretations that rigidly lock habitus into Bourdieu's framework; avoid conflating the formal properties of the notion with its concrete features in specific settings and cases; and distinguish between the rhetorical invocation of his concepts ('speaking Bourdieuese') and their effective deployment in the construction of the empirical object. As embodied and embedded capacity, habitus brings temporality, depth, and desire to the analytic epicenter. It reminds us that the social world is not transparent, open-ended, and instantaneous, but endowed with gravity, opacity, and asymmetry. Treating the sentient and skilled organism as fount of both social intelligence and sociological acumen can help historical social science connect with enactive psychology and recover the carnality of action that conventional accounts of social life routinely erase.

<p>En Francia, a veces, nos conmovemos por las condiciones de vida que hay en las cárceles: sobrepoblación, vetustez, miseria, violencia, violaciones…<br />La publicación del libro de la doctora Véronique Vasseur generó muchos reportajes periodísticos y la creación de una comisión de investigación y algunas declaraciones apresuradas de los<br />parlamentarios4. ¿Qué le inspiró este episodio?</p>

I use the collection of "carnal ethnographies" of martial arts and combat sports assembled by Raul Sanchez and Dale Spencer under the title Fighting Scholars to spotlight the fruitfulness of deploying habitus as both empirical object ( explanandum) and method of inquiry ( modus cognitionis). The incarnate study of incarnation supports five propositions that clear up tenacious misconceptions about habitus and bolster Bourdieu's dispositional theory of action: (1) far from being a "black box," habitus is fully amenable to empirical inquiry; (2) the distinction between primary (generic) and secondary (specific) habitus enables us to capture the malleability of dispositions; (3) habitus is composed of cognitive, conative and affective elements: categories, skills, and desires; (4) habitus allows us to turn carnality from problem to resource for the production of sociological knowledge; and (5) thus to realize that all social agents are, like martial artists, suffering beings collectively engaged in embodied activities staged inside circles of shared commitments.

A reformulação da questão de classe empreendida por Pierre Bourdieu exemplifica os traços principais da sua sociologia e a maneira pela qual ele amplia, mescla e corrige visões clássicas num quadro próprio. O artigo revela a motivação existente por detrás dos deslocamentos conceituais-chave que Bourdieu efetua, de estrutura de classe a espaço social, de consciência de classe a habitus, de ideologia a violência simbólica, e de classe dirigente a campo de poder. Destaca também estudos recentes que investigaram, testaram e refinaram os princípios centrais do modelo de Bourdieu e oferece uma bibliografia das suas publicações sobre classe, documentando um duplo deslocamento, empírico e analítico, para uma sociologia da realização de categorias, o que evidencia o poder constitutivo das estruturas simbólicas.

A antropologia do neoliberalismo se polarizou entre um modelo econômico hegemônico, ancorado por variantes do domínio de mercado, e uma abordagem rebelde, alimentada por derivações da noção foucaultiana de governamentalidade. Ambas as noções dissimulam o que é "neo" no neoliberalismo: a reengenharia e a reestruturação do Estado como a agência principal que estabelece regras e conforma as subjetividades, relações sociais e representações coletivas apropriadas à produção de mercados. Eu desenvolvo o conceito de Bourdieu de "campo burocrático", para propor uma via media entre essas duas abordagens, que concebe o neoliberalismo como uma articulação entre Estado, mercado e cidadania, aparelhando o primeiro para impor a marca do segundo à terceira. Essa concepção repatria a penalidade para o centro da produção de um Estado-centauro, que pratica o laissez-faire no topo da estrutura de classes e o paternalismo punitivo na base. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Neoliberalismo. Governamentalidade. Campo burocrático. Estado penal. Política social. Bourdieu. THREE STEPS TO A HISTORICAL ANTHROPOLOGY OF ACTUALLY EXISTING NEOLIBERALISM Loïc Wacquant The anthropology of neoliberalism has become polarized between a hegemonic economic model anchored by variants of market rule and an insurgent approach fueled by derivations of the Foucaultian notion of governmentality. Both conceptions obscure what is "neo" about neoliberalism: the reengineering and redeployment of the state as the agency that sets the rules and fabricates the subjectivities, social relations, and collective representations suited to realizing markets. I develop Bourdieu's concept of "bureaucratic field" to propose a via media between these two approaches that construes neoliberalism as an articulation of state, market, and citizenship that harnesses the first to impose the stamp of the second onto the third. This conception repatriates penality at the core of the production of a Centaurstate that practices laissez-faire at the top of the class structure and punitive paternalism at the bottom. KEYWORDS: Neoliberalism. Governmentality. Bureaucratic field. Penal state. Workfare. BourdieuTROIS PROPOSITIONS POUR UNE ANTHROPOLOGIE HISTORIQUE DU NÉOLIBÉRALISME RÉEL Loïc Wacquant L´anthropologie du néolibéralisme est polarisée entre un modèle économique hégémonique, ancré par la notion d'empire du marché, et une approche rebelle, nourrie par des dérivations de la notion foucaultienne de gouvernementalité. Ces deux conceptions antagonistes convergent en ceci qu'elles dissimulent ce qui est "néo" dans le néolibéralisme: le recalibrage et le redéploiement de l'État comme instance qui fixe des règles et fabrique les subjectivités, les rapports sociaux et les représentations collectives propices à la réalisation des marchés. Je développe le concept de "champ bureaucratique" chez Bourdieu pour frayer une voie moyenne entre ces deux approches qui conçoit le néolibéralisme comme une articulation entre État, marché et citoyenneté qui mobilise le premier terme pour imprimer le second sur le troisième. Cette conception rapatrie la pénalité au coeur de la production d'un État-centaure qui pratique le laissez-faire en haut de la structure de classe et le paternalisme punitif en bas. MOTS-CLEFS: Néoliberalisme. Gouvernementalité. Champ bureaucratique. État pénal. Politique sociale disciplinaire. Bourdieu. Publicação Online do Caderno CRH no Scielo: http://www.scielo.br/ccrh Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br

Drawing on archival materials and personal testimonies, I reconstruct the conditions under which Bourdieu came to receive the Gold Medal of the National Center for Scientific Research, France's highest science prize, in 1993 as a signal case study of the existential predicament and institutional trappings of scholarly consecration. Bourdieu's award speech and the ceremony at which he read it present a triple interest for the history and sociology of sociology. They illustrate how a shaping figure in the discipline personally experienced, reflexively viewed, and practically navigated the nexus of science, authority, and power. They mark 1993 as a pivot-year in Bourdieu's intellectual evolution, leading to a new agenda foregrounding the state as paramount symbolic power, the alchemy of group formation, and the unfinished promise of democratic politics; and they help explain why he ventured more forthrightly into civic debate in the 1990s. Bourdieu's ambivalent acceptance of the prize also illustrates his conception of the 'Realpolitik of reason' and put an emphatic end to the eclipse of Durkheim by restoring sociology to its rightful place at the scientific zenith in the country of its birth.