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AbstractFamilization and defamilization studies are increasingly seen as an important component of welfare research. They are concerned with the threats to the welfare of individuals caused by involuntary participation in the unwanted family relationship. Moreover, they address the idea that governments have the potential to reduce these threats through the provision of welfare measures. This article contributes to the familization and defamilizaion studies with the focus on the link between these studies and the studies of residualization strategies. It carries out three analytical tasks. The first is to present a new defamilization and familization framework. The second is to demonstrate the usefulness of this framework in analyzing the problem of employing the residualization strategies to reform the old‐age income security system. Our focus is particularly on the insufficient sensitivity of these strategies to women's (and men's) diverse preferences relating to ways of organizing their family life. The third is to demonstrate the empirical significance of this framework. To meet this objective, we apply the framework to the investigation of two old‐age income security measures in Hong Kong—the Mandatory Provident Fund and the Comprehensive Social Security Assistance scheme.

Familisation and defamilisation studies are increasingly seen as an important component of welfare research. They are concerned with the threats to individuals' welfare caused by involuntary participation in the unwanted family relationship. Moreover, they address that the government has the potential to reduce these threats through the provision of welfare measures. This article is intended to contribute to the familisation and defamilisaion studies with the focus on the link between these studies and the studies of residualisation strategies. It has two objectives. The first is to present a new defamilisation and familisation framework for examining the implications of the residualisation strategies used by the government to reform the old age income security system. The second is to demonstrate the empirical significance of this framework. To meet these objectives, three analytical tasks are conducted – i. to discuss the key elements of the defamilisation and familisation, ii. to examine the usefulness of this framework in the analysis of the residualisation strategies, and iii. to apply this framework to the investigation of the main old age income security measures in Hong Kong.

This article contributes to the search for suitable approaches to combat social exclusion faced by disabled people in capitalist wage labour markets. Referring to policy and service examples in Hong Kong, it reviews four social exclusion approaches – the Moral Underclass (MUD), Social Integrationist (SID), Redistributive (RED) and Collective Production (COP) approaches. These approaches are explored in relation to three key issues: (1) the diverse preferences of disabled people; (2) the myth of infeasibility regarding unconventional approaches and (3) the defects of the medical model of disability. The article argues that the MUD and SID approaches are more associated with the medical model of disability and emphasise individual changes. The RED and COP approaches contain more features of the social model of disability and are in favour of social and structural changes. The COP approach stresses the diverse preferences of disabled people and supports innovative services to combat social exclusion.

This article is concerned with the link between the effects of pro-market pension reforms on women and familization/defamilization measures. It aims to contribute to the study of this link in three ways. Firstly, it identifies defamilization/familization measures that have the potential to reduce negative effects of pro-market pension measures on women. Secondly, based on the examples from the United Kingdom, it shows that the government's willingness to provide sufficient defamilization/familization measures to assist women to deal with the negative effects of the pro-market pension measures should not be taken for granted. Thirdly, it suggests ways for tackling this problem.

This article is concerned with the link between the effects of pro-market pension reforms on women and familization/defamilization measures. It aims to contribute to the study of this link in three ways. Firstly, it identifies defamilization/familization measures that have the potential to reduce negative effects of pro-market pension measures on women. Secondly, based on the examples from the United Kingdom, it shows that the government's willingness to provide sufficient defamilization/familization measures to assist women to deal with the negative effects of the pro-market pension measures should not be taken for granted. Thirdly, it suggests ways for tackling this problem.

This article is intended to explore the link between the study of defamilisation and that of the adult worker model. To meet this purpose, a defamilisation framework for studying issues concerning the adult worker model and defamilisation is developed. To show the empirical significance of these issues, evidence is drawn from a childcare gap typology covering eight European countries. Conducting these analytical tasks provides insights into the development of social work practices for enhancing women's welfare.

This article examines older women's experiences of searching for face masks and handling mask-related issues during COVID-19. Set within the context of the Hong Kong government's policy reaction to the shortage of masks in early 2020, the article draws on interviews with 40 older women in Hong Kong to identify their various forms of vulnerability to welfare threats and their active and diverse responses in times of crisis. The findings reveal the implications of the government's residual policy response for people's vulnerability to welfare threats. They also carry practical implications for the support that social workers can provide.

Based on a newly developed framework, this study examines the responses made by the government to both the male-breadwinner model and the adult worker model. It sheds new insights into possible ways of assisting women to achieve secure retirement .

Purpose – This article explores the link between defamilisation studies and studies of the adult worker model and discusses the mixed implications that government strategies for supporting the adult worker model have for defamilisation. The adult worker model emphasizes that all adult men and women ought to engage in formal employment; defamilisation studies stress the importance of enhancing women's chances of choosing (not) to perform important family roles such as the receiver of financial support and the care provider. Design/methodology/approach – Two new strategies ('condition building' and 'rewarding/penalizing') for promoting the adult worker model are identified based on literature review; their empirical significance is explored through an examination of comparative data concerning early childhood education and care policies (ECEC) and reforms in pension age in fourteen countries. Findings – The evidence shows that promoting the adult worker model does not necessarily benefit all women. While the fourteen countries provide ECEC to varying extents, the increase in pension age in most countries shows that governments adopt a 'rewarding/penalizing' strategy for promoting the adult worker model by allocating major welfare based on people's labour force participation. These pension reforms may generate a negative impact on women's chances of attaining financial autonomy. Originality/value – This study presents two new strategies for promoting the adult worker model and shows the empirical significance of these strategies based on comparative data. It also highlights the importance of searching for alternative concepts, namely economic defamilisation, for guiding pension reforms.

This paper examines how defamilization and familization measures can affect women's capacity to accumulate pension income and their subsequent standard of living after retirement. Firstly, it highlights the concepts of defamilization and familization and discusses the potential of these measures in assisting women to save pension income through the "commodification" and "decommodification" of labor. Secondly, it examines the major pension policies and examples of defamilization and familization measures in Taiwan. It shows how the current limited provision of such measures could create "double jeopardy" for women, affecting access to paid employment or resources to enable women who wish to undertake caring responsibilities to do so, ultimately impacting their capacity to accumulate pension income. Thirdly, it suggests ways to strengthen defamilization and familization measures in order to enable women to accumulate sufficient retirement income on the basis of three preconditions: policy attention to the reciprocal relationship between familization/defamilization measures and pension schemes for women; a recognition of differences between women in their preferred strategies to accumulate pension income; and an emphasis on a life course perspective to understand the double jeopardies faced by women in saving for retirement.

This paper examines the use of defamilization and familization measures to develop an analytical framework to inform the search for ways to improve women's opportunities to accumulate pension income. This framework is associated with the use of the adult worker model. Three main analytical tasks are presented. Firstly, we discuss different interpretations of what defamilization entails. Based on these different views, two types of defamilization measures utilized by the government are identified: care‐focused and economic defamilization. Secondly, with reference to different definitions of the adult worker model, we develop a framework for identifying ways to make the provision of the government's defamilization measures and its alternatives (care‐focused and economic familization measures) more effective in assisting women to accumulate pension income. Thirdly, using the case of Hong Kong, we demonstrate the application of this analytical framework.

This article builds a bridge between research on the queer economy and that on the mixed economy of welfare by developing the 'queer economy of welfare mix' framework. While the two fields are related, there is a lack of discussion about the queer dimensions of the mixed economy of welfare or the mixed strategies employed by lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, and queer (LGBTQ+) individuals to explore the benefits and limitations of the queer economy. The purpose of our framework is to show how local and transnational goods provided by the mixed economy of welfare can enable LGBTQ+ individuals to organise their welfare through the mixed strategies – citizen strategy, consumer strategy, and consumer-citizen strategy. By examining Taiwan's legalised same-sex marriage and its impact on Hong Kong and Mainland China, we demonstrate the empirical significance of the framework, which serves as an analytical tool for examining the government's role in promoting LGBTQ+ individuals' welfare and the challenges involved.