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The main purpose of this article is to analyse Barcelona's mainstreaming approach to intercultural policy from the beginning of its immigration process. My key questions are threefold: (a) why was Barcelona attracted by the intercultural approach so early in 1997? (b) how can we understand the consolidation of interculturalism? and (c) how can its successful permanent endurance (16 years) be explained, given different migratory contexts/political governments? I will argue that Barcelona's status as a key player within the multi-level system of Catalan and Spanish governance has been a favourable key factor. I will first feature the mainstreaming approach, and then defend the argument that the vertical dimension has helped to strengthen the legitimacy of the horizontal dimension, as it has provided a favourable environment in which interculturalism can flourish. I conclude by highlighting the fact that the analysis of Barcelona helps to provide new meanings for the multi-level governance debate in diverse European cities. Points for practitioners Multi-level governance and cities networks influence the policy design and the consolidation of cities' diversity policies. There is an assumed link for cities between intercultural policies and the mainstreaming approach in diversity policies. The relationship between the vertical and horizontal dimensions of multi-level governance plays a key role in promoting a favourable environment for these policies to thrive.

The growing human mobility is having a direct impact on a political category that has been usually taken for granted in democratic liberal theories: the category of border. Political Theory has not paid enough attention to the concept of 'border'. This "silence" becomes highly relevant, since it is by discussing the issue of borders that one can detect most of the incoherencies of the Liberal Political Theory. It is also surprising to see that the notion is a taken-for-granted concept in the current debates on immigration. Based on these premises, the goal of this article is to discuss the grounds for a Political Theory on Borders (PTB). As a first step, I identify those analytical distinctions that allow us to provide a solid base for this line of research. Thus, as an introductory section (section 1), I shall highlight the reasons to initiate this debate and will analyze the existing links around the category of border and its conceptual uses, taking into account its historical dimension. Section 2 will tackle the functional aspects of this approach as a framework that will legitimize discourses and policies, conceptions and political positions. Section 3 will concentrate on the issue of border as a political category, while section 4 will focus on the most relevant theoretical approaches on borders. Section 5 will go through the arguments that justify the need to control human mobility. Finally (section 6), I shall conclude by pointing out the most relevant aspects needed to build the foundations for a Political Theory on Borders. ; La creciente movilidad humana está interpelando de forma directa una categoría política que se ha dado por supuesta en las teorías liberales y democráticas: la categoría de frontera. La teoría política no ha reflexionado suficientemente sobre el concepto de "frontera". Este "silencio" resulta sumamente relevante, puesto que es a través de una reflexión sobre las fronteras como afloran la mayoría de las incoherencias de la teoría política liberal. Sorprende también constatar que la noción es un concepto-supuesto en los debates actuales sobre la inmigración. Partiendo de estas premisas, el propósito del artículo es discutir las bases de una Teoría Política de las Fronteras (TPF). Como primer paso identifico aquellas distinciones analíticas que permitan fundamentar este programa de investigación. En primer lugar (sección 1), y a modo de introducción, me ocupo de señalar las razones para iniciar este debate, y analizo los vínculos que existen alrededor de la categoría de frontera y sus usos conceptuales, teniendo especialmente en cuenta su dimensión histórica. En segundo lugar (sección 2), abordo su función de enfoque, como un marco generador de argumentos que sirven para legitimar discursos y políticas, concepciones y posiciones políticas. En la sección 3 profundizo la frontera como categoría política, y luego en la sección 4 me adentro en los enfoques teóricos más relevantes. En la sección 5 repaso los principales argumentos que justifican la necesidad de controlar la movilidad humana. Finalmente (sección 6), concluyo señalando los aspectos más relevantes para conformar las bases de una TPF.

This article discusses the need for an ethical code for states in international migration management (IMM). IMM is interpreted as an ethical context characterized by moral dilemmas, insofar as it is difficult to irrefutably know if the decision to "allow entry" or "deny entry" of people is good and right. This calls for an applied ethics approach drawing a normative map in a world in motion, and then for an ethical code of practice regulating state behavior at three levels: admission policies, diplomatic relations with sending states, and inter-European state relations. The discussion is framed within the current five-year strategy of the EU Stockholm Programme and the migration polices of European states.

The growing human mobility is having a direct impact on a political category that has been usually taken for granted in democratic liberal theories: the category of border. Political Theory has not paid enough attention to the concept of 'border'. This 'silence' becomes highly relevant, since it is by discussing the issue of borders that one can detect most of the incoherencies of the Liberal Political Theory. It is also surprising to see that the notion is a taken-for-granted concept in the current debates on immigration. Based on these premises, the goal of this article is to discuss the grounds for a Political Theory on Borders (PTB). As a first step, I identify those analytical distinctions that allow us to provide a solid base for this line of research. Thus, as an introductory section (section 1), I shall highlight the reasons to initiate this debate and will analyze the existing links around the category of border and its conceptual uses, taking into account its historical dimension. Section 2 will tackle the functional aspects of this approach as a framework that will legitimize discourses and policies, conceptions and political positions. Section 3 will concentrate on the issue of border as a political category, while section 4 will focus on the most relevant theoretical approaches on borders. Section 5 will go through the arguments that justify the need to control human mobility. Finally (section 6), I shall conclude by pointing out the most relevant aspects needed to build the foundations for a Political Theory on Borders. Adapted from the source document.

We are living an Historical Time characterized by the international migrations. The arrival and permanence of people coming mainly from developing countries increasingly make clear that the current instruments to manage conflicts coming from modernity have difficulties to work with normality. Following the approach of change of paradigm of modernity as interpretation approach (1), i emphasize the three main indicators of multiculturality in Spain: use of populist arguments on the part of traditional political parties, bond between two processes of multiculturalidad: the multinationality and immigration, secularism or the management of religious pluralism (2). My final intention (3) is to underline how this debate also helps us to identify a new fracture within the UE between one more an opened (innovation) and closed (tradition) policy of immigration. In the end I will do a final balance transferring this dilemma between tradition and innovation in the new frame of immigration policies: the Hague program initiated in November of 2004. ; Estamos viviendo un Tiempo Histórico caracterizado por las migraciones internacionales. La llegada y permanencia de personas procedentes mayoritariamente de países en vías de desarrollo ponen cada vez más en evidencia que los instrumentos habituales para gestionar conflictos procedentes de la modernidad tienen dificultades para funcionar con normalidad. Siguiendo el enfoque de cambio de paradigma de la modernidad como enfoque para la interpretación (1), destaco los tres principales indicadores de multiculturalidad en España: uso de argumentos populistas por parte de partidos políticos tradicionales, vínculo entre dos procesos de multiculturalidad: la multinacionalidad y la inmigración, secularismo o la gestión del pluralismo religioso (2). Mi propósito final (3) es destacar cómo este debate nos ayuda también a identificar una nueva fractura dentro de la UE entre una política más abierta (innovación) y más cerrada (tradición) de inmigración. Al final haré un balance final trasladando este dilema entre tradición e innovación en el seno del nuevo marco de políticas de inmigración: el programa de la Haya, iniciado en noviembre de 2004.

Argues that it is necessary to decide if political theory (PT) should be strictly interpretive or whether it should also involve criticism & normative recommendations intended to influence political decision-makers. PT is generally considered a reflection on democracy & liberalism associated with the self-understandings of a particular community. As such, it "attempts to give meaning to political actions." Special attention is given to the growing chasm between the democratic values proclaimed by a society & solutions adopted to deal with new political situations. A hypothetical "PT Practitioner's Guide" focuses on three key components: the kind of activity; the epistemological premises on which the activity must be based; & the context in which the activity is performed. The recent incorporation into the PT agenda of the new issue of multiculturalism & its impact on democracy is addressed. Consideration is also given to liberalism as the dominant frame of reference for PT; the normative & institutional approach as distinguishing features of PT; ethnocentrism; & current problems facing PT research. References. J. Lindroth