Suchergebnisse

Ключевые слова: евроинтеграция, конфедерализм, Маастрихтский договор, Н. Саркози, правоцентристы, федерализм, Ш. де Голль. = Keywords: center-right forces, Ch. de Gaulle, confederalism, European integration, federalism, Maastricht Treaty, N. Sarkozy. Раздел "Международные отношения". ; В статье прослеживается эволюция евроинтеграционной политики французских правоцентристов, позицию которых наиболее ярко представляют французские президенты (Ш. де Голль, Ж. Помпиду, В. Жискар д'Эстен, Ж. Ширак и Н. Саркози). Подчеркивается, насколько важным этапом для Франции стал Маастрихтский договор 1992 г. Рассматриваются проблемы, с которыми столкнулся ЕС в первом десятилетии XXI в., а также попытки их преодоления Н. Саркози как президента и лидера правоцентристов. Автор делает вывод о решающем значении французских правоцентристских политических сил в развитии процесса европейской интеграции. = The article tracks the evolution of the European integration policy of French center-right parties which position is more clearly represented by the French presidents (Ch. de Gaulle, G. Pompidou, G. d'Éstaing, J. Chirac and N. Sarkozy). The article emphasizes the importance of the 1992 Maastricht Treaty for France. Problems which the EU came across during the first decade of the 21st century and attempts to overcome them by N. Sarkozy as a president and the center-right leader are considered in the article. The author makes a conclusion on a crucial significance of French center-right political forces in development of the European integration process.

After the outbreak of the Syrian war, the armed resistance of the Kurds against the radical Islamists drew considerable attention from across the world. Although the Kurdish movement has a history of forty years of armed fight in the region, especially against Turkey, they gained global fame during the war in Syria. Apart from media attention to the resistance of women, in particular, the establishment of a political system, democratic confederalism, which the world was not familiar with, came to exist in the area liberated from the religious fundamentalists in Syria. The Kurds during the Syrian civil war, on one hand, gained international fame for their fight against the radical Islamists; on the other hand, they put a new theory of governance, democratic confederalism, in practice in northern Syria. This paper seeks to provide a brief review of the theory of democratic confederalism and its practices in Rojava to build an argument regarding its future. This case study aims to explore how and why the theory and practices of democratic confederalism co-exist and which factors may influence the Rojava revolution's future. This review's central argument is that while democratic confederalism is a revolution in the field, it is also an experiment whose future depends on how the people will adopt it and how the global and regional powers will approach it. ; Tras el estallido de la guerra de Siria, la resistencia armada de los kurdos contra los islamistas radicales atrajo una considerable atención en todo el mundo. Aunque el movimiento kurdo tiene una historia de cuarenta años de lucha armada en la región, especialmente contra Turquía, ganó fama mundial durante la guerra de Siria. Aparte de la atención mediática a la resistencia de las mujeres, en particular, el establecimiento de un sistema político, el confederalismo democrático, que el mundo no conocía, llegó a existir en la zona liberada de los fundamentalistas religiosos en Siria. Los kurdos durante la guerra civil siria, por un lado, ganaron fama internacional por su lucha contra los islamistas radicales; por otro, pusieron en práctica una nueva teoría de gobierno, el confederalismo democrático, en el norte de Siria. Este artículo pretende ofrecer una breve revisión de la teoría del confederalismo democrático y sus prácticas en Rojava para construir un argumento sobre su futuro. Este estudio de caso pretende explorar cómo y por qué coexisten la teoría y las prácticas del confederalismo democrático y qué factores pueden influir en el futuro de la revolución de Rojava. El argumento central de esta reseña es que, si bien el confederalismo democrático es una revolución sobre el terreno, también es un experimento cuyo futuro depende de cómo lo adopte la población y de cómo lo aborden las potencias mundiales y regionales.

Este artigo apresenta um breve panorama da atual disputa pela liderança do movimento nacional curdo entre o KDP iraquiano e o PKK de origem turca, um histórico das organizações, suas profundas diferenças ideológicas e um apresenta como a disputa que se dá no distrito de Shingal ilustra o maior conflito interno da política curda. Palavras-chave: Curdos; Nacionalismo; confederalismo democrático. ABSTRACTThis article presents a brief overview of the current dispute for the leadership of the Kurdish national movement between the Iraqi KDP and the Turkish PKK, a history of the organizations, their deep ideological differences and one presents how the dispute that takes place in the Shingal district illustrates the the greatest internal conflict in Kurdish politics. Keywords: Kurds; Nationalism; democratic confederalism. Recebido em: 30 mai. 2021 | Aceito em: 18 out. 2021.

In the context of Political Ecology, this paper traces the main interpretations that have emphasized the need to rethink the relationship between nature and society in order to find new solutions to the ecological crisis. We will first consider the concept of Capitalocene as an alternative to that of Anthropocene; we will then analyze the reorganization of social relations proposed by Bookchin as well as the concretization of these principles in the democratic confederation of Rojava. The aim of this reflection is to study the social reorganization of democratic confederalism, in its anti-hierarchical, feminist, ecological and selfgoverning dimension, as a perspective in harmony with the theory of the oikeios and, therefore, as a real solution to the ecological crisis.

This study seeks to analyze the advancement and present matters of international minority protection regimes. It is an interdisciplinary article that draws on the methods of international human rights law and constitutional politics. Global developments have dramatically affected the scope of minority rights since the 1800s. Religious and national characteristics were the basis of domestic minority protection regimes until the foundation of the League of Nations (LoN). The LoN established the first international protection mechanism for minority rights. This communitarian mechanism was replaced with its liberal individualist counterpart with the establishment of the United Nations. Many states have incorporated the liberal discourse of minority rights into their constitutional, statutory and regulatory documents since the 1950s. According to this study, the liberal discourse would need to enlarge its scope in the near future. Some national minorities, including the Catalans and Scots, reject the existence of national borders in the presence of supranational confederalist institutions, e.g. the European Union (EU). They do not want to exercise self-government rights within their home states. Instead, they would like to transform their autonomous regions into the sovereign states of EU-like confederalist organizations. This study maintains that finding a resolution for this transformation process would be one of the main research questions that the liberal discourse should answer in the near future.

ABSTRACT. More than three decades after the approval of the Spanish Constitution and in spite of the big amount of studies and analysis that it has generated, there is still an important debate on the territorial distribution of power. This matter came to its highest point when the process to reform different Statutes of Autonomy started in 2003. As an answer to the aforementioned scenario, Professor Ruiperez's book shows the need to elaborate a constitutional theory on the State of Autonomies. From this point of view he analyzes critically the difficulties and problems (both historic and politic) that has generated the current conceptual confusion on the matter, in order to determine the elements and pillars necessary to draw up a constitutional theory on the State of Autonomies. ; RESUMEN. Pasadas más de tres décadas desde la aprobación de la Constitución española, y pese al importante número de estudios y análisis que la misma ha generado, lo cierto es que todavía existe una importante polémica en torno a la distribución territorial del poder. Cuestión que ha tenido su punto más álgido con el proceso de reforma de varios Estatutos de Autonomía iniciado a partir del año 2003. Precisamente, y en respuesta al citado panorama, el libro del Profesor Ruipérez pone de manifiesto la necesidad de elaborar una teoría constitucional del Estado de las Autonomías. Así, y desde esta perspectiva, analiza críticamente las dificultades y problemas (históricos, políticos, etc.) que ha generado el presente confusionismo conceptual en la materia; para determinar posteriormente los elementos y pilares necesarios en orden a formular una teoría constitucional del Estado de las Autonomías

In this thesis I explore the idea and the newly invigorated movement of municipalism as a social, political and economic unit of organisation emerging in response to the ecological, social and psychological failures of the present neoliberal capitalist economy and the democratic crisis of the centralised state. I focus on the intersection of theory and practice where contemporary social movements are taking resistance into existing political institutions to prefigure a new radically democratic society. Learning from experiences in Frome, Barcelona and around the world I contend that the municipality is the organisational scale best able to bring about a new economic logic for the transition to a sane, sustainable, free and compelling twenty-first century life through truly democratic and authentically political processes.

The article is devoted to the federal system in the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria (North and East Syria), or the so-called Rojava. The case of this system is for many reasons special: on the one hand, it realizes the concept of ethnofederalism; on the other hand, it realizes the doctrine of democratic confederalism, i.e. political thought of Abdullah Öcalan. Democratic confederalism, referring largely to the communalism and municipalism of Murray Bookchin, advocates the implementation of a new order in the Middle East, in which various self-administrating ethnic and religious communities could co-exist in a confederal network based on the principles of participatory democracy, legal pluralism, federalism, equality of women and men, ecology and the social economy. According to its proponents, it leads to peace: first in Syria and later in the entire Middle East. ; Artykuł jest poświęcony systemowi federalnemu w Demokratycznej Federacji Północnej Syrii (Północnej i Wschodniej Syrii), tzw. Rożawie. System ten stanowi przypadek szczególny: z jednej strony ze względu na realizację koncepcji etnofederalizmu, z drugiej zaś z uwagi na zakorzenienie w doktrynie demokratycznego konfederalizmu (tj. myśli politycznej Abdullaha Öcalana). Demokratyczny konfederalizm, nawiązując w dużej mierze do komunalizmu i municypalizmu Murraya Bookchina, opowiada się za realizacją na Bliskim Wschodzie nowego ładu, w którym rozmaite wspólnoty etniczne i religijne mogłyby w ramach swoich odrębnych, lecz połączonych ze sobą w konfederalną sieć, organizacji realizować model demokracji partycypacyjnej i pluralizmu prawnego. Porządek ten, oparty na zasadach demokracji, federalizacji, równouprawnienia kobiet i mężczyzn, ekologii oraz ekonomii społecznej, ma prowadzić do wygaszenia istniejących konfliktów i pokojowej współpracy pomiędzy społecznościami – najpierw Syrii, a później całego regionu.

In an important sense fiscal federalism model can be seen as a normative model whose aim is ideological. Its argument about costs and benefits of decentralization in government is based on the fact that decentralization allows better matching of public good supply and increases social welfare. But this is not true. Fiscal federalism model is a collection of old ideas that suggest that this organizational process generally increases efficiency in the allocation branch of the budget, but the possibility that negative externalities and inter institutional spill-overs, when taken into account, makes this proposition false. It is the opposite process, centralization, which causes positive externalities in the allocation to arise, satisfies the ends of political economy, stabilization and distribution, and decreases the size of government. ; Este artículo tiene como finalidad plantear la crítica al federalismo fiscal en cuanto modelo normativo de reparto de competencias en un espacio político descentralizado; y ello, en tres planos: el primero está en orden a decir que el federalismo fiscal es el resultado de un proceso histórico de descentralización de las funciones estatales, una consecuencia de lo que ha sucedido, y no lo que debe suceder cuando el modelo se aplica; segundo, al tratarse de un modelo normativo, su validación empírica está fuera de lugar y sus posibilidades de realización se hallan muy constreñidas debido a la alta restrictividad de sus hipótesis, lo que no es contrario a su aplicabilidad con fines ideológicos cuando se desencadenan los procesos de descentralización que tienen como resultado último, caso del llamado "Estado de las Autonomías" desarrollado a partir de la Constitución Española de 1978, abocado a desembocar en una forma confederal. Por último, debido a las economías externas que crea y propaga, además de los conflictos entre instituciones periféricas, propiamente la descentralización carece de sentido e invoca acometer los fines de política económica desde la modernidad de un nuevo Estado mundializado.

ÖCALAN, Abdullah. Kürdistan: Devrim Manifestosu. Demokratik Uygarlık Manifestosu. Diyarbakır:Ararat Yayıncılık, 2012.Disponível em: http://www.freeocalan.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/09/Ocalan-Democratic-Confederalism. pdf.