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Based on the continuity hypothesis of dreaming, the effects of World War II on the dreams of German persons have been studied. The present study included four representative samples from 1956 to 2000 (repeated cross‐sectional surveys). Although a decline of war‐related dream themes over time was found, the heightened rate of these themes in the oldest age group (60 years and older) in the year 2000 indicate the long‐lasting effect of emotionally salient life experiences on dreams. The present findings indicate that the method of dream content analysis is a very informative approach to study the effects of political events on the inner life of people and, thus, of value for the field of political science.

AbstractEndorsement of science is often associated with non-religiosity and lack of supernatural belief. However, the relevance of science for worldviews might also relate to the cultural context and/or personal investment in science. This study investigates the following question: Is endorsement of worldview components of science associated with unbelief among science-oriented respondents? Here, worldview components refer to science providing 1) a sense of meaning, 2) moral standards, and 3) literal or symbolic continuity after death. 387 Finnish adults recruited via pro-research organizations were included in the analysis. The results suggest that self-reported worldview functions of science are associated with unbelief also among science-oriented individuals. These findings lend support to the belief replacement hypothesis, which suggests that secular worldviews such as belief in science are of particular importance for unbelievers. However, the effect sizes are small and also other God belief groups endorse the significance of science for e.g., meaning in life.

Some regions of the United Kingdom present more fertile grounds for consecutive incarnations of extreme right parties than others. In a study by Goodwin, Ford and Cutts the authors found evidence of the legacy effect, where an earlier cycle of activism by the National Front (NF), an extreme right political party active in the 1970s, emerged as a strong and significant predictor of membership in the British National Party (BNP) three decades later. While their study speaks to the supply-side arguments for extreme right success (organizational continuity and local cultural traditions in particular), here we examine whether a similar legacy effect can be observed with respect to demand for extreme right politics. As we are going to show there is some overlap between the share of votes cast for the NF and the BNP, yet there are a number of constituencies that do not adhere to this pattern. We conclude that while the supply-side legacy effect is not ruled out, the legacy effect hypothesis does not find support for demand-side explanation of extreme right support. ; Funding agencies: ESRC [ES/I022104/1]; Forte [2015-01200 FIIP]

Some regions of the United Kingdom present more fertile grounds for consecutive incarnations of extreme right parties than others. In a study by Goodwin et al., the authors found evidence of the legacy effect, where an earlier cycle of activism by the National Front (NF), an extreme right political party active in the 1970s, emerged as a strong and significant predictor of membership in the British National Party (BNP) three decades later. While their study speaks to the supply-side arguments for extreme right success (organizational continuity and local cultural traditions in particular), here we examine whether a similar legacy effect can be observed with respect to demand for extreme right politics. As we are going to show there is some overlap between the share of votes cast for the NF and the BNP, yet there are a number of constituencies that do not adhere to this pattern. We conclude that while the supply-side legacy effect is not ruled out, the legacy effect hypothesis does not find support for demand-side explanation of extreme right support.

This article presents a cultural analysis on the authoritarian structures in Latin America, specifically in Chile. The main hypothesis of the text is that there is an incomplete understanding of the symbolical and physical violence through the republican periods (19th century onwards) in Latin America without treating the institutional violence as result of vertical and hierarchical cultural legitimations. The use of historical material is thus functional to pursue the main goal of the paper which is to trace the authoritarianism as a permanent factor on the Chilean structures and, sometimes, feasible to be expanded to other Latin American contexts. ; Este artículo presenta un análisis cultural de las estructuras autoritarias en América Latina, específicamente en Chile. La hipótesis principal del texto es que existe una comprensión incompleta de la violencia simbólica y física a través de los períodos así llamados "republicanos" (siglo XIX en adelante) en América Latina sin tratar la violencia institucional como resultado de las legitimaciones culturales, verticales y jerárquicas en su base. El uso de material histórico es, por lo tanto, funcional para perseguir el objetivo principal del trabajo el cual es trazar el autoritarismo como un factor permanente en las estructuras chilenas y potencialmente factible de ser ampliado a otros contextos latinoamericanos.

In this article the author examines the process of revising the Latin American vector of US foreign policy under the presidency of Donald Trump. In particular, the paper analyzes the economic and political aspects of a new US policy in the Latin American region. The main focus of the research is on the reorganization of US economic relations with the countries of the region and cancellation of various financial aid programs and multilateral agreements, including the North American Free Trade Agreement. The main hypothesis of the paper is that US foreign policy under the 45th president underwent a profound change towards diminishing the role of the Latin American region among other foreign policy priorities of the United States. Vivid confrontation with China and the Russian Federation became the center of the contemporary foreign policy course of Washington, making relations with Latin American countries of secondary importance. This shift created a certain power vacuum in the region and opened additional opportunities for extraregional players. China could arguably become one of such players as it is known to have utilized Washington's weakening grip on the region to its own economic and political benefit, expanding the "One belt, one road" initiative.

Los alcaldes con un largo recorrido en el gobierno local representan un caso excepcional, aunque presente en la arena política. Su presencia como liderazgos transformadores sugiere la hipótesis de que detrás de estos perfiles se encuentran notables locales con carreras políticas vinculadas al espacio municipal. Para demostrar o refutar esa tesis, este artículo analiza una muestra de siete presidentes locales andaluces cuatro o más mandatos de duración desde la perspectiva constructivista. El trabajo empírico se basa en la aplicación de una entrevista semiestructurada a los alcaldes, la exposición de sus trayectorias políticas y su comparación. De este modo, concluimos que los notables son el perfil dominante entre los alcaldes que acumulan cinco o más mandatos. ; The mayors with a long political life in the local government represent an exceptional case, although it is a case present in the political arena. Their presence like transformative leaders suggests the hypothesis that behind these profiles there are local notables with political careers linked to the municipal space. To prove or refute this thesis, this article analyzes a sample of seven local Andalusian presidents with more four or more periods of office from the constructivist perspective. The empirical work is based in the application of a semi-structured interview to the mayors, the exposition of their political trajectories and their comparison. In this way, we conclude that notables are the dominant profile among the mayors who accumulate five or more periods.

El debate teórico sobre la nación y el nacionalismo se ha centrado demasiado a menudo en fijar fronteras temporales y localizar geográficamente el fenómeno. Ese debate (quizá estéril) sobre el origen temporal y espacial de la nación y el nacionalismo ha enfrentado en las últimas décadas fundamentalmente a dos paradigmas, (neo)perennialismo y modernismo. Como es conocido, la teoría modernista fija en el final del s. XVIII y principios del XIX el inicio de la "era de la nación y los nacionalismos", cuando la industrialización está fortaleciendo el papel de la burguesía y ésta comienza a apoyar reformas de carácter civil y político que modificarán los principios de soberanía. Por el contrario, los neoperennialistas, sobre todo apoyados en la revisión histórica de Hastings, se remontan a una época premoderna para datar el inicio de la nación y suelen recurrir al modelo inglés de formación del Estado y la nación (frente al modelo francés, postulado por gran parte de los modernistas). A pesar de los planteamientos antagónicos de ambos paradigmas, en este trabajo se destacarán los puntos de encuentro, para dar lugar a una visión ecléctica de los orígenes del fenómeno, que conectará en cierto modo con el etnosimbolismo y otras propuestas eclécticas. ; The theoretical debate about the nation and nationalism has too often focused on fixing temporary borders and locating geographically the phenomenon. In the last decades, this (perhaps sterile) debate about temporal and spatial origin of the nation and nationalism has especially faced two paradigms: (neo)perennialism and modernism. As is well known, the modernist theory set the start of the nation and nationalisms era between the end of the XVIII century and the beginning of the XIX century. This is the time when the industrialization was strengthening the role of the bourgeoisie and it began to support civil and political reforms that will modify the sovereignty principle. On the contrary, specially based on Hastings' historical revision, the neoperennialists go back to a premodern age to date the beginning of the nation and they use to turn to the English model of State and nation building (facing the French model, postulated by a large part of the modernists). Despite the antagonistic approaches of both paradigms, in this work we emphasize the common ground to give rise to an eclectic view of the phenomenon origins. In some way this is linked to the ethnosimbolism and other eclectic proposals.

The theoretical debate about the nation and nationalism has too often focused on fixing temporary borders and locating geographically the phenomenon. In the last decades, this (perhaps sterile) debate about temporal and spatial origin of the nation and nationalism has especially faced two paradigms: (neo)perennialism and modernism. As is well known, the modernist theory set the start of the nation and nationalisms era between the end of the XVIII century and the beginning of the XIX century. This is the time when the industrialization was strengthening the role of the bourgeoisie and it began to support civil and political reforms that will modify the sovereignty principle. On the contrary, specially based on Hastings' historical revision, the neoperennialists go back to a premodern age to date the beginning of the nation and they use to turn to the English model of State and nation building (facing the French model, postulated by a large part of the modernists). Despite the antagonistic approaches of both paradigms, in this work we emphasize the common ground to give rise to an eclectic view of the phenomenon origins. In some way this is linked to the ethnosimbolism and other eclectic proposals. ; El debate teórico sobre la nación y el nacionalismo se ha centrado demasiado a menudo en fijar fronteras temporales y localizar geográficamente el fenómeno. Ese debate (quizá estéril) sobre el origen temporal y espacial de la nación y el nacionalismo ha enfrentado en las últimas décadas fundamentalmente a dos paradigmas, (neo)perennialismo y modernismo. Como es conocido, la teoría modernista fija en el final del s. XVIII y principios del XIX el inicio de la "era de la nación y los nacionalismos", cuando la industrialización está fortaleciendo el papel de la burguesía y ésta comienza a apoyar reformas de carácter civil y político que modificarán los principios de soberanía. Por el contrario, los neoperennialistas, sobre todo apoyados en la revisión histórica de Hastings, se remontan a una época premoderna para datar el ...

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to explore the possibility that several workplace initiatives could stem the biases of recruiters against people who disclose or demonstrate diagnosed mental disorders. Specifically, in many nations, the level of unemployment in people who experience mental disorders is rife. Arguably, employers exhibit various biases that disadvantage people who disclose or demonstrate mental disorders; for example, recruiters tend to orient attention to the limitations, instead of the strengths, of job candidates. Because of these various biases, employers may reject applicants who acknowledge or manifest a mental disorder, even if these candidates would have been suitable.Design/methodology/approachTo substantiate these premises, the authors analyzed established taxonomies of cognitive biases to identify which of these biases are likely to deter the employment of people with mental disorders. In addition, the authors applied several theories, such as the future self-continuity hypothesis, to uncover a variety of initiatives that could redress these biases in the future.FindingsThe authors uncovered five constellations of biases in recruiters that could disadvantage individuals who disclose or demonstrate mental disorders. Fortunately, consistent with the meaning maintenance model and cognate theories, when the vision and strategy of organizations is stable and enduring, these biases diminish, and people who report mental disorders are more likely to be employed.Originality/valueThis paper shows that initiatives that promote equality and stability in organizations could diminish stigma against individuals who experience mental disorders.

Intro -- Preface -- From Global Financial Capitalism to Digital Economic Enlightenment -- Global Financial Capitalism -- A New Era of Digital Economy -- Business Enlightenment for a New Era -- Contents -- Part I: Economics of the Information World -- Chapter 1: Introduction to Digital Economic Thoughts -- Information Technology and Economic Development -- The New Order of Digital Economics -- The Spiritual Connotation of Consensus Thought -- Chapter 2: Digital Economic Technology and Innovation -- The Peak of the Digital Economy Wave -- Computer and Internet Revolution -- Digital Economy Technology and Innovation -- Chapter 3: Growth Theory of Digital Economics -- The Equation of Digital Economic Growth -- Limitations of Traditional Growth Theory -- A New Perspective of Digital Economics -- Chapter 4: Complexity Economic and Order of Evolution -- ``Principles of Economics´´ and the Continuity Hypothesis -- Complexity Thoughts Based on Emergence and Evolution -- Complexity Economics and the Principle of Increasing Returns -- Chapter 5: Technological Elements and Enterprise Innovation -- Schumpeter´s Theory of Enterprise Innovation -- Technological Evolution Theory and Economic Structure -- Entrepreneur Theory and Innovation Thoughts -- Part II: Value Network Theory -- Chapter 6: Value Theory of Digital Economic -- Traditional Economic Value Theory -- Austrian Economic Value Theory -- Digital Economic Value Theory -- Chapter 7: Economic Thinking of Blockchain -- Open Network and Encryption Economy -- Communities of Consensus and Complex Networks -- Platform and Business Ecology Theory -- Chapter 8: Blockchain and Austrian Economics -- Origin of the Austrian School of Economics -- Methodology of the Austrian School of Economics -- Algorithmic Economics and Austrian Economics -- Chapter 9: Network Organization and Innovation Management.

Käsityöläisten yrittäjäkulttuuri Itämeren alueen kaupungeissa 1350-1620 Väitöskirjassani tutkin käsityöläisten yrittäjäkulttuuria Itämeren alueen kaupungeissa myöhäiskeskiajalla ja uuden ajan alussa. Käsityötuotanto tapahtui kodin yhteydessä olevassa verstaassa ja se oli yleensä perheen yhteinen bisnes. Käsityöläiset olivat järjestäytyneet ammattialoittain ammattikuntiin, joilla jokaisella oli omat sääntönsä. Käsityöläisammattikunnat läpäisivät elämän jokaisen osa-alueen: ne hallitsivat työmarkkinoita, järjestivät ammatillista koulutusta, osallistuivat kaupungin sotilaalliseen puolustukseen, huolehtivat osaltaan oikeudenhoidosta ja monista hallinnollisista asioista, ylläpitivät kaupunkirauhaa, järjestivät köyhäinhoitoa, tarjosivat jäsenilleen sosiaalista yhdessäoloa sekä jopa mahdollisuuden uskonnollisen hartauden osoittamiseen pitämällä yllä alttareita kirkoissa. Ammattikuntien merkitys jokapäiväiselle elämälle oli kiistaton. Tutkimuksessa selvitän, mitkä olivat yrittäjäkulttuurin keskeisimmät elementit, arvot ja toimintatavat. Yrittäjäkulttuuria tarkastelen käsityöläisleskien kautta: mitkä olivat käsityöläisleskien mahdollisuudet jatkaa ammatissaan miehensä kuoltua ja käyttivätkö he näitä mahdollisuuksia hyödykseen. Tutkimus keskittyy Tukholman, Tallinnan, Riian ja Lyypekin kaupunkeihin noin vuosina 1350−1620. Aiemmassa tutkimuksessa tuon ajan yrittäjäkulttuuri ja ammattikuntalaitosjärjestelmä on nähty staattisena rakennelmana, joka ei pystynyt sopeutumaan muutoksiin ja joka vahvisti patriarkaalista yhteiskuntajärjestystä sekä pyrki rajoittamaan naisten työntekoa. Tutkimukseni haastaa tämän näkemyksen ja tarjoaa uudenlaisen tulkinnan. Sen mukaan ammattikunnat tarjosivat leskille useita mahdollisuuksia jatkaa perheyrityksen pyörittämistä miesmestarin kuoltua. Yleisin ammattikunnan tarjoamista mahdollisuuksista oli vuoden ja päivän aikaraja, jonka umpeuduttua lesken olisi luovuttava ammatistaan tai siirrettävä mestarinoikeudet pojalleen tai uudelle aviomiehelle. Monet lesket jatkoivat kuitenkin ammatissaan vuosia piittaamatta virallisista säädöksistä. Tämä todistaa, että lesket olivat kiinteä osa tuon ajan kaupunkien yrittäjäkulttuuria, eikä naisjohtoisia käsityöläisverstaita pidetty mitenkään outoina. Tutkimukseni myös paljasti, että oman edun tavoittelu meni usein ammattikunnan edun edelle, vaikka aikakausi on mielletty kollektiivisuuden ajaksi. Käsityöläisten yrittäjäkulttuuri olikin täynnä ristiriitoja: toisaalta pyrittiin takaamaan samat edut ja ammatinharjoittamisen edellytykset kaikille ammattikunnan jäsenille, mutta silti sosiaaliset erot ammattikunnan sisällä saattoivat olla suuret. Ammattikunnat harjoittivat myös voimakasta suojelupolitiikkaa, protektionismia, turvatakseen yhteiset edut. Toisaalta ne loivat hyvin joustavia käytäntöjä ja sääntöjä, jotka tarjosivat pelivaraa ja mahdollistivat kilpailun ammattikunnan sisällä. Kaikki nämä toimet tähtäsivät tuotannon jatkuvuuteen; mestarin sukupuoli oli toissijaista. Tutkimukseni tuo ilmi, että näinkin kaukainen yrittäjäkulttuuri piti sisällään paljon sellaisia elementtejä, jotka yleensä yhdistetään nykypäivän markkinatalousyhteiskuntiin eikä myöhäiskeskiajan ja uuden ajan alun talousjärjestelmiin. Väitöskirjani tarjoaa ensimmäistä kertaa laajan vertailevan tutkimuksen Itämeren alueen kaupunkien käsityöläiskulttuurista ja lesken asemasta. Lisäksi se yhdistää eri näkökulmia uudella tavalla, sillä hansakaupunkien käsityöläisiä ei aiemmin ole tarkasteltu yrittäjyyden, taloushistorian ja sukupuolihistorian näkökulmista. Tutkimukseni tarjoaa täysin uuden lähestymistavan hansa-alueen kaupunkihistoriaan, sillä aiempi hansatutkimus on keskittynyt lähinnä tarkastelemaan hansaliittoa taloudellisena ja poliittisena mahtina tai käsitellyt kauppiaita ja heidän verkostojaan. ; In this dissertation I study craft trade culture in late medieval and early modern cities bordering the Baltic Sea. Research focuses on four urban communities, namely on Stockholm, Tallinn, Riga, and Lübeck. In all these cities craftsfolk formed one fourth of the inhabitants as well as the so-called middle class of the citizens. Additionally, craft organizations penetrated all spehers of life in urban settlements: they dominated labour market, influenced town topography, organized military troops, took care of juridical and administrative tasks, organized professional training, and together with merchants governed the economic sector. In addition, crafts organized poor relief, free time, and some crafts even took care of religious and devotional activities. In this research craft trade is studied from economic and gender history viewpoints. Special emphasis is on the possibilities of artisan widows to continue their trade after their husband had died. This study provides for the first time an extensive comparison of craft trade culture in four Baltic Sea cities. Furthermore, it combines two perspectives, rarely applied together in the field of craft and guild studies. In addition, the study covers the time period of circa 1350−1620, hence transcending the usual boundaries between medieval and early modern era in historical research. The essential elements of craft trade culture are traced from three different angles. Firstly, the various urban organizations are examined, differentiated, and categorized. My hypothesis is that the possibilities of widows to carry on depended on the organization type. In previous research the various urban organizations, guilds, crafts, and devotional guilds or confraternities have not always been differentiated, which has led to misinterpretations about the position of women within these organizations. The categorization is based on my own innovation called tripartite classification. The tripartite classification is both a method of the study as well as a result of a wide-range comparison of the ordinances and statutes of the three organization types. Secondly, the opportunities of artisan widows and the meaning of widowhood in the context of craft trade are examined. Here the viewpoint changes from the organizations to the point of view of the craftsfolk and particularly of artisan widows. By adopting different roles, as mothers and managers of household workshops, widows challenged traditional gender roles. Thus, the widow perspective is fruitful because it helps us to examine how gender relationships were constructed in craft trade culture and what role gender played in it. The normative side is discussed by studying craft ordinances: what options and possibilities did craft ordinances give to widows to continue their trade. In previous research widows' rights articles have been seen as mere restrictions against women's work. I challenge previous research by arguing that widows' rights articles must be seen as opportunities, and hence widows' rights articles ensured legal protection for widows. Thirdly, craft trade culture is studied by taking a closer look at Lübeck. The everyday practice of craftsfolk is examined, with the help of narrative source material. In particular I ask how widows' right articles were applied in practice and what dispute situations can be observed. In addition, the work identity of craftswomen and craftsmen is examined. It is my hypothesis that in previous research gender hierarchies and the masculinity of artisanal world has been overemphasized. Using Lübeck as a case study I shall also examine the interaction between the city council, the crafts, and individual craft members. This is significant because it helps us to detect the dynamics within craft trade culture and how various actors negotiated on norms, rules, values, and their goals. In this study I use both normative source material, craft ordinances and records of the city council, as well as narrative sources, Lübeck petition letters. I have analysed all the preserved craft ordinances from the four cities which stem from the time period of 1350−1620. These 178 craft ordinances built the core of the study, thus they set the framework within which the narrative letters are analysed. The detailed Appendices at the end of the study list all the used craft ordinances, their editions, repository places, and archival signums. This combination of sources offers a good basis to study widows' opportunities in principle and in practice. Moreover, craft ordinances build the context in which the petition letters are analysed. Furthermore, the letters enable a deeper study of contemporary values and mentalities than the craft ordinances. Throughout the study quantitative, qualitative, and linguistic methods are used together with comparison, a case study, and tripartite classification mentioned above. The concept of craft trade culture is understood broadly meaning the system how handicraft production was organized; how various artisans within the same profession were organized into crafts; how craft ordinances regulated various aspects of production and the everyday life of the artisans. In addition, I consider craft trade culture to include a set of norms, values, and practices that guided individual craft members. Gender is understood as a cultural and social construction, which encompasses more than just the physical differences between biological sexes. Biological differences form the base but cultural and social norms and practices that define female and male work, duties, rights, and obligations are more important. An essential element of this social gender is that its definitions vary and change according to time and space. What is feminine and what is masculine can be defined differently in various geographical areas, cultures, social contexts, and religious confessions as well as in various times. Masculinities and femininities also vary according to other categories and attributes such as profession, social status, age, personal character, and marital status, and so forth. Work and particularly work conditions were one of the factors that created, enforced, or diminished gender roles. This study finds that craft trade culture in late medieval and early modern cities bordering the Baltic Sea was flexible and aimed for the continuation of production at several different levels. At the same time craft trade culture was a strongly protectionist culture. Furthermore, within this protectionism there existed elements, which are often used to characterize modern market economies – individual profit seeking and competition. Hence, the study reveals that craft trade culture was full of contradictions. Additionally, within craft trade culture other categories and aims outweighed the gender aspect. It was more important to ensure the continuation of production than fret over the gender of the master. Consequently, widows' rights articles in the craft ordinances were not means to restrict widows' and respectively women's work. Instead, widows' rights articles strove to secure the continuity of production and to protect craft trade production which was based on household workshops. Moreover, as we must abandon the bipolar notion of gender, we must also reject the dichotomy of comparing 'traditional societies' to societies with (free) market economy. The investigation conducted here reveals that craft trade culture was at the same time affected by the aims of the crafts to ensure equal premises and resources for all their members and a common well-being of its members as well as by the competition between craft members and self-interest. The majority of gender and economic historians have underlined the inflexibility of craft organizations arguing that this rigid system hindered the development of market and dynamic economy. However, the current study proves that craft trade culture was a flexible system that adapted to changing conditions and left room for negotiation. In this study I introduce a new approach and classification to urban organization called tripartite classification. According to it, three different organization types existed in late medieval and early modern towns bordering the Baltic Sea: professional crafts, composite artisan guilds and merchant guilds, and devotional organizations, which I call devotional guilds. The analysis in this study demonstrates that the organization type clearly affected not only female membership and widows' possibilities but other questions like political participation, military, and defence as well as religious participation. Craft ordinances granted widows five different possibilities to continue their trade. In previous research particularly the supporters of subordination theory have considered these widows' rights as restrictions. However, the findings of the current study do not support these notions. Widows took advantage of these possibilities and were aware of the rights granted to them in the craft ordinances. Despite the questions that widowhood raised among contemporaries, widows could run their workshops independently and/or with the help of their children and/or hired workforce. Some crafts considered widows capable of training apprentices and at least in some crafts widows participated in craft assemblies and festivities. Furthermore, the analysis of Lübeck petition letters exposes that some widows exceeded the customary time limit granted to them in craft ordinances and continued their trade for several years, even 19. This demonstrates that widows were an integral part of craft trade culture. Moreover, the main aim of craft organizations was not to restrict women's work but to ensure the continuity of craft production and economic welfare of its members.

En este trabajo se procurará analizar en qué medida las dos primeras presidencias de Juan Perón implicaron una profundización de tendencias de movilidad social ascendente que ya habían existido anteriormente en la sociedad argentina, y en qué grado supusieron una real novedad con el pasado. Esto nos obligará a articular la investigación en torno de dos grandes ejes: en primer lugar, se estudiarán dichas rupturas y continuidades en el plano material -es decir, en lo que atañe a las condiciones objetivas de vida-, para luego complementar el análisis con lo ocurrido en la esfera simbólica -o sea, cómo la experiencia del peronismo alteró las subjetividades de las clases trabajadoras y de los sectores medios y cómo incidió en la constitución de una "memoria histórica" tras el derrocamiento de Perón en 1955-. La hipótesis central de este trabajo es que, en el plano material, el peronismo vino a acelerar y generalizar tendencias a la "democratización del bienestar" que, en algunos aspectos, ya habían existido en la sociedad argentina hasta por lo menos 1930 (por ejemplo, en lo que atañe al mejoramiento del poder adquisitivo de la población, o en lo que respecta a la vivienda, la educación y la salud) pero, a la vez, dicha profundización de las tendencias a la "democratización del bienestar" generó rupturas en el registro de lo simbólico, que dieron lugar a grandes conflictos. ; The aim of this paper is to analyze to which point Juan Perón's two first presidencies implied a deepening in the trend of upward social mobility (which had already existed previously in Argentine society), and to which degree they imposed a real change in relation to the past. This will lead to an articulation of the investigation around two central concepts: firstly, there will be a study of said interruptions and continuities in the material realm - which is to say, that which regards objective life conditions- to later complement the analysis with the events that took place in the symbolical realm -that is, how the Peronist experience altered the subjetivities of the working classes and middle sectors and how it participated in the constitution of an "historical memory" after Perón's overthrow in 1955-. The central hypothesis of this paper is that, in the material realm, Peronism came to accelerate and generalize trends towards the "democratization of welfare" which, in some aspects, had been present in Argentine society up until at least 1930 (for example, as what concerns the improvement of the people's acquisitive power, or what concerns housing, education and healthcare) but, at the same time, said deepening of the trends towards "democratization of welfare" lead to interruptions in the record of the symbolical realm, which gave leeway to great conflict. ; Fil: Schteingart, Daniel Matías. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina

Der Artikel analysiert die Beziehung zwischen staatlicher Identität und staatlichem Interesse in der Entwicklung der amerikanischen Neutralitätspolitik von der Unabhängigkeit bis zum Krieg von 1812. Staatliche Identität wird dabei nicht nur bestimmt von der geopolitischen Position, Territorium oder Bevölkerung; das Wechselspiel zwischen materiellen Interessen und dem politischen Diskurs entwickelt eine kollektive Identität (SWP-Drh)

Το παρόν άρθρο επιχειρεί να εξετάσει το εύρος της δημοσιονομικής ικανότητας της Ε.Ε. εστιάζοντας στα Πολυετή Δημοσιονομικά Πλαίσια (ΠΔΠ). Λαμβάνοντας υπ'όψιν τις πολιτικές που χρηματοδοτεί ο προϋπολογισμός της Ε.Ε., η ανάλυση αντλεί από τα ΠΔΠ 2007-2013 και 2014-2020, συγκρίνοντάς τα με το προτεινόμενο από την Επιτροπή ΠΔΠ 2021-2027. Σκοπός είναι η διερεύνηση της εξέλιξης των ΠΔΠ αξιοποιώντας εμπειρικά δεδομένα, χρηματοοικονομικές εκθέσεις και άλλα κείμενα πολιτικής. Με βάση τη βιβλιογραφία του ιστορικού νεοθεσμισμού η υπόθεση που εξετάζεται είναι ότι η εξέλιξη των ΠΔΠ ακολουθεί αυξητική τροχιά δίχως να εντοπίζονται ουσιαστικές μεταβολές. Εν τούτοις, οι τρέχουσες διαπραγματεύσεις για το ΠΔΠ 2021-2027 εκτιμώνται ως κρίσιμες καθώς μπορεί να δημιουργήσουν «ασυνέχειες» και μια δυναμική «διακεκομμένης ισορροπίας», προκαλώντας αλλαγή σε ό,τι αφορά τους διαθέσιμους χρηματοδοτικούς πόρους σε ορισμένα πεδία πολιτικών. ; This paper aims at examining the fi scal capacity of the EU by focusing on the Multiannual Financial Frameworks (MFFs). Taking into consideration the policy areas fi nanced by the EU budget, the analysis draws on the MFFs 2007-2013 and 2014-2020, and compares them with the proposed by the Commission MFF 2021-2027. The main objective is to shed light on the evolution of the MFFs by utilizing empirical data, fi nancial reports, and other policy papers. Drawing on the historical institutionalism literature, the main hypothesis is that the evolution of the MFFs follows an incremental path, and no substantial change whatsoever is observed with regard to the fi scal capacity of the EU; however, the ongoing negotiations with regard to the MFF 2021-2027 can be considered as critical, due to the fact that they can produce punctuated dynamics and discontinuities, thus change, with regard to the available financial resources for specific policy fields.