AbstractThis article combines traditional avenues of bioarchaeological research with Black feminist theory to decolonize identified skeletal collections housed in museums. Inspired by the activism of Decolonize This Place (DTP), I put the remains of Black women who were dissected in Progressive Era New York City into conversation with Black feminist theorists and artists. I argue that to "flesh in" the lives of these long anonymized and disarticulated women, it is essential to perform interdisciplinary and decolonizing work that is inspired by Black women. The field of biological anthropology will benefit from moving past privileging "scientific" knowledge and considering what the arts might contribute to our representations of the bodies we study, as suggested by Katherine McKittrick (2010). Furthermore, for our field to truly become inclusive, we must encourage scholars with multiple consciousnesses, as proposed by Faye Harrison (2010).
AbstractIn this paper, I examine the "Home Cooking" episode of Netflix series Ugly Delicious, and the "Toronto Truths with Foodies of Colour" episode of award‐winning Racist Sandwich podcast to uncover their mediation of a foodie and cosmopolitan person of color identity. By paying close attention to biographical details and the foregrounding of certain aspects of foodie and racialized identities, this paper addresses the question of performativity when it comes to food adventuring by using the mediated lens of the two chosen food shows. Are the hosts (and the semiotics of the programs) potentially challenging the archetype of the adventurous meat‐eating white male, or reinforcing the same by letting certain people into the fold? This analysis is necessary to understand if producers and consumers of color who are vested in exploring different food cultures through their practices do this any differently from dominant cultures.
Presenting an ethnographic account of the emergence and application of critical political alternatives in the Global South, this book analyses the opportunities and challenges of decolonizing and transforming a modern, hierarchical and globally-immersed nation-state on the basis of indigenous terminologies.Alternative development paradigms that represent values including justice, pluralism, democracy and a sustainable relationship to nature tend to emerge in response to – and often opposed to – the neoliberal globalization. Through a focus on the empirical case of the notion of Vivir Bien ('Living Well') as a critical cultural and ecological paradigm, Ranta demonstrates how indigeneity – indigenous peoples' discourses, cultural ideas and worldviews – has become such a denominator in the construction of local political and policy alternatives. More widely, the author seeks to map conditions for, and the challenges of, radical political projects that aim to counteract neoliberal globalization and Western hegemony in defining development. This book will appeal to critical academic scholars, development practitioners and social activists aiming to come to grips with the complexity of processes of progressive social change in our contemporary global world.
The 3D Pedagogy Framework is a strategic model of inclusive teaching practice developed to decolonize, democratize and diversify the higher education curriculum. In the UK, USA and elsewhere, an attainment gap exists between and among White students and students of colour. The 3D Pedagogy Framework targets education practice as the primary driver for enhancing the experience and outcomes of students of colour and enriching the learning process for students of all ethnic and cultural backgrounds. This paper discusses a pilot study involving 27 educational practitioners that undertook a workshop on 3D Pedagogy. Preliminary findings from quantitative and qualitative data collected point to the efficacy of the 3D Pedagogy Framework as an effective model for enhancing the cultural competencies of educational practitioners and promoting critical reflection and agency; important steps towards transforming the curriculum.
Let's try to relate the coloniality of space and time with the geopolitics of knowledge and the geopolitics of feeling. In 1977, in his Philosophy of Liberation, Enrique Dussel, made evident his geopolitical awareness, when speaking of space as a battlefield, social, political and epistemic (Dussel, 1996). In geopolitical terms, then, it is not the same to be born in the North Pole, in Chiapas or in Bolivia as in New York, because there is a wall of colonial difference built during 500 years of modernity. The geopolitics of knowledge is the epistemological spatialization of knowledge, and just as economics produces centers and peripheries, epistemology also does so. In the geographical North there are epistemic sures as well as in the geographic South there are epistemic nortes. ; Intentemos relacionar la colonialidad del espacio y del tiempo con la geopolítica del conocimiento y la geopolítica del sentir. En 1977 en su Filosofía de la liberación, Enrique Dussel, hizo evidente su conciente geopolítico, al hablar del espacio como campo de batalla, social, política y epistémica (Dussel, 1996). En términos geopolíticos entonces, no es lo mismo nacer en el Polo Norte, en Chiapas o en Bolivia que, en Nueva York, pues hay un muro de diferencia colonial construido durante 500 años de modernidad. La gepolítica del conocimiento es la espacialización epistemológica del saber, y así como la economía produce centros y periferias, la epistemología también lo hace. En el Norte geográfico hay sures epistémicos así como en el Sur geográfico hay nortes epistémicos. ; Vamos tentar relacionar a colonialidade do espaço e do tempo com a geopolítica do conhecimento e a geopolítica do sentimento. Em 1977, em sua Filosofia da Libertação, Enrique Dussel, evidenciou sua consciência geopolítica, ao falar do espaço como campo de batalha, social, político e epistêmico (Dussel, 1996). Em termos geopolíticos, portanto, não é o mesmo nascer no Polo Norte, em Chiapas ou na Bolívia como em Nova York, porque há um muro de diferença colonial ...
Let's try to relate the coloniality of space and time with the geopolitics of knowledge and the geopolitics of feeling. In 1977, in his Philosophy of Liberation, Enrique Dussel, made evident his geopolitical awareness, when speaking of space as a battlefield, social, political and epistemic (Dussel, 1996). In geopolitical terms, then, it is not the same to be born in the North Pole, in Chiapas or in Bolivia as in New York, because there is a wall of colonial difference built during 500 years of modernity. The geopolitics of knowledge is the epistemological spatialization of knowledge, and just as economics produces centers and peripheries, epistemology also does so. In the geographical North there are epistemic sures as well as in the geographic South there are epistemic nortes. ; Intentemos relacionar la colonialidad del espacio y del tiempo con la geopolítica del conocimiento y la geopolítica del sentir. En 1977 en su Filosofía de la liberación, Enrique Dussel, hizo evidente su conciente geopolítico, al hablar del espacio como campo de batalla, social, política y epistémica (Dussel, 1996). En términos geopolíticos entonces, no es lo mismo nacer en el Polo Norte, en Chiapas o en Bolivia que, en Nueva York, pues hay un muro de diferencia colonial construido durante 500 años de modernidad. La gepolítica del conocimiento es la espacialización epistemológica del saber, y así como la economía produce centros y periferias, la epistemología también lo hace. En el Norte geográfico hay sures epistémicos así como en el Sur geográfico hay nortes epistémicos. ; Vamos tentar relacionar a colonialidade do espaço e do tempo com a geopolítica do conhecimento e a geopolítica do sentimento. Em 1977, em sua Filosofia da Libertação, Enrique Dussel, evidenciou sua consciência geopolítica, ao falar do espaço como campo de batalha, social, político e epistêmico (Dussel, 1996). Em termos geopolíticos, portanto, não é o mesmo nascer no Polo Norte, em Chiapas ou na Bolívia como em Nova York, porque há um muro de diferença colonial construído durante 500 anos de modernidade. A geopolítica do conhecimento é a espacialização epistemológica do conhecimento e, assim como a economia produz centros e periferias, a epistemologia também o faz. No norte geográfico existem curiosidades epistêmicas, assim como no sul geográfico existem nortes epistêmicas.
The decolonialisation of the higher education curriculum and free higher education were two of the burning issues during student protests that erupted across universities in South Africa at the end of 2015. Although the president announced free higher education in December 2017, the country can scarcely afford it, with many universities already feeling financial constraints. The call for decolonialisation of the curriculum by students (which was viewed negatively by the public) refers specifically to books, theories and learning content that still predominantly reflect the thoughts of Western colonial powers. Students required a bigger focus on indigenous (African) knowledge to be incorporated into the South African curriculum. This, however, is the opposite of current international trends, where curricula are developed to meet international or even global standards that are set by international accreditation agencies in Public Administration, such as the National Association of Schools of Public Affairs and Administration and the International Commission on Accreditation of Public Administration Education and Training Programs. Therefore, this article investigates not only the direction the discipline of Public Administration is taking with regard to international standards and the curricula, but also to specifics of governance in developing countries. Are there reasonable arguments to support the demand for changes to the content of this discipline and is there a need to adjust curricula to concede to the wishes of the protesting students for the decolonising of science? This article found that international scholarly requirements, specific national conditions for governance and the demands uttered by students in the development of curricula at South African universities are at odds, particularly in the study of Public Administration.
URL del artículo en la web de la Revista: https://www.upo.es/revistas/index.php/ripp/article/view/3660 ; La alimentación es una actividad cotidiana imprescindible para la vida y cargada de significados que refleja y reproduce las relaciones socioeconómicas y políticas de una sociedad. La materialidad de la alimentación actual en la globalización se construye en el imaginario colectivo dominante a partir de tres sesgos fundamentales de la mirada occidental: el antropocentrismo, el etnocentrismo y androcentrismo propios de la patriarcalidad/ colonialidad del poder/saber/ser. Este trabajo pretende establecer un diálogo crítico entre la agroecología, los feminismos y la teoría decolonial aplicado al análisis del imaginario alimentario hegemónico con el objetivo de pensar, desde una perspectiva crítica-fronteriza, premisas culturales alternativas que contribuyan a la construcción de propuestas alimentarias sostenibles y justas que superen los tres sesgos fundamentales de la mirada occidental (pre)dominante. ; Eating is a daily activity that is both essential to life and loaded with meanings that reflect and reproduce the socioeconomic and political relations within a society. The materiality of food in the globalised world is built, in the dominant collective imagery, on three fundamental biases of the Western view: the anthropocentrism, ethnocentrism and androcentrism constitutive of the patriarchality/coloniality of power/knowledge/being. This work aims at establishing a critical dialogue between agroecology, the feminisms perspective and the decolonial theory on the analysis of hegemonic food imagery with the purpose of thinking, from a critical and borderland teory, alternative cultural premises that cancontribute to the construction of sustainable and fair food proposals capable of overcoming the three fundamental biases of the (pre)dominating Western view. ; Universidad Pablo de Olavide
La alimentación es una actividad cotidiana imprescindible para la vida y cargada de significados que refleja y reproduce las relaciones socioeconómicas y políticas de una sociedad. La materialidad de la alimentación actual en la globalización se construye en el imaginario colectivo dominante a partir de tres sesgos fundamentales de la mirada occidental: el antropocentrismo, el etnocentrismo y androcentrismo propios de la patriarcalidad/ colonialidad del poder/saber/ser. Este trabajo pretende establecer un diálogo crítico entre la agroecología, los feminismos y la teoría decolonial aplicado al análisis del imaginario alimentario hegemónico con el objetivo de pensar, desde una perspectiva crítica-fronteriza, premisas culturales alternativas que contribuyan a la construcción de propuestas alimentarias sostenibles y justas que superen los tres sesgos fundamentales de la mirada occidental (pre)dominante. ; Eating is a daily activity that is both essential to life and loaded with meanings that reflect and reproduce the socioeconomic and political relations within a society. The materiality of food in the globalised world is built, in the dominant collective imagery, on three fundamental biases of the Western view: the anthropocentrism, ethnocentrism and androcentrism constitutive of the patriarchality/coloniality of power/knowledge/being. This work aims at establishing a critical dialogue between agroecology, the feminisms perspective and the decolonial theory on the analysis of hegemonic food imagery with the purpose of thinking, from a critical and borderland teory, alternative cultural premises that cancontribute to the construction of sustainable and fair food proposals capable of overcoming the three fundamental biases of the (pre)dominating Western view.
La alimentación es una actividad cotidiana imprescindible para la vida y cargada de significados que refleja y reproduce las relaciones socioeconómicas y políticas de una sociedad. La materialidad de la alimentación actual en la globalización se construye en el imaginario colectivo dominante a partir de tres sesgos fundamentales de la mirada occidental: el antropocentrismo, el etnocentrismo y androcentrismo propios de la patriarcalidad/colonialidad del poder/saber/ser. Este trabajo pretende establecer un diálogo crítico entre la agroecología, los feminismos y la teoría decolonial aplicado al análisis del imaginario alimentario hegemónico con el objetivo de pensar, desde una perspectiva crítica-fronteriza, premisas culturales alternativas que contribuyan a la construcción de propuestas alimentarias sostenibles y justas que superen los tres sesgos fundamentales de la mirada occidental (pre)dominante. ; Eating is a daily activity that is both essential to life and loaded with meanings that reflect and reproduce the socioeconomic and political relations with in a society. The materiality of food in the globalised world is built, in the dominant collective imagery, on three fundamental biases of the Western view: the anthropocentrism, ethnocentrism and androcentrism constitutive of the patriarchality/coloniality of power/knowledge/being. This work aims at establishing a critical dialogue between agroecology, the feminisms perspective and the decolonial theory on the analysis of hegemonic food imagery with the purpose of thinking, from a critical and borderland teory, alternative cultural premises that cancontribute to the construction of sustainable and fair food proposals capable of overcoming the three fundamental biases of the (pre)dominating Western view.
This paper analyzes the successes, failures, and lessons learned from the innovative experiments in decolonization that are currently underway in Bolivia and Nunavut, Canada. Bolivia and Nunavut are the first large-scale tests of Indigenous governance in the Americas. In both cases, Indigenous peoples are a marginalized majority who have recently assumed power by way of democratic mechanisms. In Bolivia, the inclusion of direct, participatory, and communitarian elements into the democratic system, has dramatically improved representation for Indigenous peoples. In Nunavut, the Inuit have also opted to pursue self-determination through a public government system rather than through an Inuit-specific self-government arrangement. The Nunavut government seeks to incorporate Inuit values, beliefs, and worldviews into a Canadian system of government. In both cases, the conditions for success are far from ideal. Significant social, economic, and institutional problems continue to plague the new governments of Bolivia and Nunavut. Based on original research in Bolivia and Nunavut, the paper finds that important democratic gains have been made. I argue that the emergence of new mechanisms for Indigenous and popular participation has the potential to strengthen democracy by enhancing or stretching liberal democratic conceptions and expectations. ; Este artículo analiza los éxitos, fracasos y lecciones aprendidas de los innovadores experimentos de descolonización que se están llevando a cabo actualmente en Bolivia y Nunavut, Canadá. Bolivia y Nunavut son los primeros experimentos de gobernanza indígena a gran escala en las Américas. En ambos casos, los pueblos indígenas son mayorías marginadas que recientemente han asumido el poder por medio de mecanismos democráticos. En Bolivia, la inclusión de elementos directos, participativos y comunitarios en el sistema democrático ha mejorado dramáticamente la representación de los pueblos indígenas. En Nunavut, los inuit también han optado por gestionar la autodeterminación a través de un sistema de gobierno público en lugar de un acuerdo de autogobierno específicamente inuit. El gobierno de Nunavut intenta incorporar valores, creencias y visiones del mundo inuit en el sistema de gobierno canadiense. En ambos casos, las condiciones para el éxito están lejos de ser ideales. Considerables problemas sociales, económicos e institucionales siguen afectando a los nuevos gobiernos de Bolivia y Nunavut. Pese a ello, y en base a investigaciones realizadas en Bolivia y Nunavut, el artículo da cuenta de importantes ganancias democráticas y propone que el surgimiento de nuevos mecanismos para la participación indígena y popular tiene el potencial de fortalecer la democracia al ampliar las concepciones y expectativas democráticas liberales.
